The Power of Love?

Mickey Kaus of Slate's Kausfiles argues that advocates of gay marriage are mistaken if they think that Brokeback Mountain's playing well in blue enclaves within red states heralds some sort of cultural shift, as some claim. It's a long piece with a fair measure of Kaus's queasiness toward gays but a caution worth considering, when Kaus warns:

If you think the visceral straight male reaction against male homosexual sex has effectively disappeared-look at Plano, etc. -you won't spend a lot of time trying to figure out the possible deep-seated, even innate, sources of resistance to liberalization, and you'll tend to be surprised and baffled by their persistence. At worst, you'll pass them off as sheer redneck bigotry-a proven way to lose the red states for good.

Andrew Sullivan responds that:

[A]ssuming a huge, overnight shift in sentiment toward gay men is foolhardy. At the same time, the pace of change these past couple of decades is astonishing. And can I really be blamed for being heartened by the way in which so many people, including many straight men, now seem able to deal with the idea of gay love?

Sullivan also scores a well-placed point about "putting love at the core of gay identity, rather than merely sex (while not being anti-sex at the same time)." I'd argue that while social conservatives may be focused on gay sex, gay activists have misstepped by single-mindedly focusing on "rights talk," either in the sense of access to government benefits or as an abstract call for "equality" (as Dale Carpenter explains so well here).

Love, however, is something much more comprehensible to those not typically predisposed to the liberal line. And that's my thought for this Valentine's Day.

More on Red State Cities, Blue Enclaves.

A reader who e-mailed me this USA Today story, on cities in red states vying for gay tourist dollars, suggested calling it "Just shuddup and give us your money." I'd be more charitable. Most of these cities-Atlanta, Ft. Lauderdale, Phoenix, maybe even Dallas-are to varying degrees far more gay-friendly than their states' typical smallvilles and rural areas. It's a positive sign that these cities are marketing to gays, and not so surprising that the religious conservatives are not making a fuss about it.

Actually, I wish they would-if social conservatives demanded that states start forfeiting income in order to placate their prejudices, local business interests would turn against them. And that would be a good thing. So maybe we need to "heighten the contradictions" (in Marxist parlance) and provoke a self-defeating rightwing backlash?

A Welcome Sign.

In Ohio, the Republican House Speaker Jon Husted is opposing a bill to ban gay couples from adopting or providing foster care, and Husted's chief of staff called the measure "divisive legislation," saying that Husted wants to see the House focus on other issues. The Buckeye State's Democratic party chairman told the media that Democrats will likewise work to ensure that the bill never comes to a vote. That's the sort of bipartisanship I like, fair-minded voices in both parties speaking out against the wingnuts, who are usually but not always (see Byrd, Robert) Republicans.

More Recent Postings
02/05/06 - 02/11/06

Young, Out, and Gay—Not Queer

First published in the Yale Daily News on February 14, 2006

There is one word that drives me nuts.

It's not a curse. Its timbre does not make me cringe. Rather, it is the way in which this particular word is used-often to describe me, and others like me, totally against my will-that I find to be so offensive.

The word, if you have not guessed it by now, is "queer."

I do not mind the proper literary usage of the word, defined by the Oxford English Dictionary as "strange, odd, peculiar, eccentric, in appearance or character. Also, of questionable character, suspicious, dubious." I have a problem when gay activists and certain academics use the word in an affirming sense to describe gay people. There is certainly nothing "strange, odd or peculiar" about homosexuality, which has existed, arguably, for nearly as long as human history itself.

The use of this word abounds. At Yale alone there is QPAC: the Queer Political Action Committee. The Yale LGBT Co-Op's e-mail list regularly solicits submissions for "Queer," the "only undergraduate literary and cultural journal related to queerness." The Co-op has also initiated a program, "Queer Peers," to help questioning students by matching them up with an openly gay mentor.

What is a non-queer gay person to do?

Those who popularize the word queer-that is, gay leftists and some gay academics-will not let gay people escape from their queer clutches. Simply by being gay, you are a "queer" whether you like it or not, as its practical use implicates all gay people. When a gay activist or academic speaks of the "queer community" or "queer rights," he, ipso facto, has labeled me a "queer," regardless of whether or not I accept the label.

I am a 22-year-old male who likes to write, performs in sketch comedy, reads lots of magazines, has an obsession with British politics and, oh yeah, I happen to be gay. I'm certainly not "queer." Individual gay people and others associated in the vast and ever-expanding panoply of the homosexual community (the bisexuals, the transsexuals, the omnisexuals, the polysexuals, the genderqueers and so on and so forth) may be "queer," but I-and I assure those queer activists who doubt this-along with the vast majority of homosexuals in this country would much rather be referred to as "gay."

Most straight people I have asked (who by and large are wholly supportive of gay equality) find the word ridiculous and uncomfortable. They see little difference between them and their gay peers, and it is harmful to the gay cause when activists insist on using a word that symbolizes their outright rejection of mainstream culture and its institutions.

For those gay activists whose stated mission is to promote gay equality, it is hypocritical to use the word "queer." If the whole purpose of the gay rights movement has been to convince heterosexual Americans that gay people are just like them, why go about using a word like queer to describe yourself? This is strategic stupidity.

Take a look, for instance, at the Human Rights Campaign, the largest and most respected gay rights organization in the country. While certainly liberal in its politics, HRC is a mainstream and professional group that regularly endorses pro-gay Republicans like Connecticut's Christopher Shays. As HRC's major purpose is to lobby Congress and advocate for gay rights in the mainstream media, it has wisely avoided language that radicalizes the demands of the gay rights movement or promotes the marginalization of gay people-dual purposes that "queer" serves. A brief search of the HRC website shows that the organization rarely, if ever, uses the word queer in its official communications and that it pops up mostly in reference to the television programs Queer Eye for the Straight Guy and Queer as Folk.

Unlike the organization fighting on the front lines for the rights of gay Americans and their families, those who use the word "queer" have no interest in having gay people perceived as everyday Americans. They wish to be perceived as part of a sexual vanguard, standing apart from "heteronormative" America, occasionally deigning to stoop down only in the service of "liberating" those suffering under our patriarchal and tyrannical society. Make no mistake: "queer" activists do not think that gay people are just like straight people and they do not want gay people to be just like straight people. They see straight-er, heteronormative-society as oppressive and, like any good radical, wish to remake it.

Gays who use "queer" often state that they are merely reclaiming the word from homophobes, just as some African-Americans have reclaimed one of the ugliest words in historical usage, a word commonly associated with slave masters and southern lawmen. That word, of course, is the "N-word," too ugly to print in a newspaper. White people, and many black people, refer to it with this euphemism because it is so degrading, so rotten to the core, and carries such a distasteful history that it literally sends chills down the spine upon its very utterance. I vividly recall my black sixth-grade English teacher explaining the etymology of the "N-word" and how it has been used for hundreds of years to demean black people.

It is true that some segments of the African-American community have "reclaimed" this word. But notice how those black public figures using the word are not intellectuals, politicians or professionals. They are rap and hip-hop artists. Black writer John McWhorter observes, "After all, why are we not using 'wop,' 'spic,' or 'kike' in this way? Some might object that these terms are all now a tad archaic, but this only begs the question as to why they were not recruited in such fashion when they were current."

"Queer" is old hat. It might have been appropriate in the early and defiant years of the gay rights struggle, but it has now become obsolete and, frankly, infantilizing. To those heterosexuals who feel pressure from noisy activists to use the word "queer" but are understandably uncomfortable doing so: not to worry. I'm gay, and I'd like to keep it that way.

Open Mindedness.

I don't usually agree with the San Francisco Board of Supervisors when it issues yet another of its international resolutions (previous decrees condemned matters ranging from the Iraq war to overseas low-wage factories). But since I agree that freedom of religious expression is paramount, I can't fault the board for calling to end persecution of the Chinese sect Falun Gong.

For those who don't know, Falun Gong actually believes that gay people are an abomination. Its founder has called gays "demonic" and has said that "the priority of the gods will be to eliminate homosexual people." But they shouldn't be persecuted for their beliefs. And since S.F. has a huge Chinese-American (and Chinese immigrant) population, it makes sense for the board to express itself.

Now, back to business as usual for the supes, who are presently debating the impeachment of Bush and Cheney.

Betty Friedan’s Passing: Ruminations on Gays and Feminism.

A bit belatedly, let me mark the passing of Betty Friedan, the long-time activist whose 1963 book "The Feminine Mystique" launched the contemporary feminist movement. The linkage between what was known as the "women's liberation" movement and the genesis of the post-Stonewall gay movement will long be debated, although it's worth noting that, infamously, as remembered here, "in 1969 Friedan delivered her first public attack on lesbianism, labeling it a 'lavender menace' that would tarnish the entire feminist agenda. Enraged, many lesbians quit NOW."

Friedan lost that battle, as lesbians (and lesbian rights) became central to the women's movement.

As to the claim that feminism was the catalyst for the fight for gay equality, I'd argue that the most important precursor for the gay movement was the sexual revolution-and that the liberation of sex from marriage and procreation helped instigate both '70s-era feminism and a more tolerant attitude toward homosexuality. That is, both "women's lib" and "gay lib" were part of that era's sexual "soup," though certainly early gay rebels took inspiration from feminists, as well as from anti-war protestors, civil rights activists and others.

Yet while feminism certainly challenged the rigid gender conformism that is a basis of homophobia, for a time in the late '70s and '80s the Andrea Dworkin and Catherine MacKinnon faction was so anti-male-sexuality that it backed the notorious Meese Commission and made common cause with Christian fundamentalists to pass anti-pornography statutes (here's a critique from a pro-sex feminist). Clearly, this brand of feminism had turned completely against the ethos of sexual liberation that helped launched the gay movement, embracing a kind of sexual puritanism that, in demonizing male sexuality, helped demonize gay men.

Today, of course, gay activists strongly back the women's movement in what has become its central crusade: protecting partial-birth abortion on demand for minors without parental notification (preferably taxpayer-funded). And the women's movement is happy to support gay equality, except when a pro-abortion-rights candidate decides to reach out to the center by not supporting gay equality.

Comments worth noting. From EssEM:

The effect of feminism on gay men has been mixed. There is a deep strain of androphobia in feminism and gay men have imbibed a lot of it. Too many of us tend to avoid thinking of ourselves as men, and by that I mean not just male humans, but adult males who are neither women, girls or boys. We get blinded by all the jargon about patriarchal oppression and become alienated from ourselves.

From Jim G:

I think EssEm says it best for me. As a 52 year old gay man I lived through the sexual revolution and became used to (though uncomfortably) hearing "women's rights" and "gay rights" used in the same sentence. I came to the conclusion that this happened because we were supposed to be sharing the same enemy, "the heterosexual male."

I eventually "left the Left" because I was tired of hearing about the oppression of the Patriarchy, how if I was compassionate, just, understanding it was because I was in touch with my "feminine side" and of course all the other negative attributes were that "other side." i.e. masculine. The phrase "behind every great man is a great woman" developed a subtext which said..."unless he was doing something bad, then he was acting on his own, the Patriarchal slob."

I heard how men were the competitive, aggressive ones (not posed as a compliment) though whoever said that never worked in an office full of women. Women would tell me how terrible men were when they were in positions of power, but when I mentioned Mary Tudor, Catherine DeMedici, even Elizabeth the First (to name just a few) I would get the blank stare.

And on and on. Aside from the depictions of American Indians that I received as a child, I believe that feminism ranks right up there as one of the great lies of my lifetime.

Open Relationships and Double Standards

First published in Between the Lines on February 9, 2006.

As I embark upon a week's worth of same-sex marriage debates with Glenn Stanton of Focus on the Family, I am bracing myself for his arguments. (There's a useful summary of his position here.)

In every debate we've had, Stanton has brought up Jonathan Yarbrough and Cody Rogahn, the first same-sex couple in Provincetown, Massachusetts to receive a marriage application. Yarbrough and Rogahn have an open relationship. "I think it's possible to love more than one person and have more than one partner," Yarbrough told a reporter on the eve of their wedding. "In our case...we have an open marriage."

This admission is bound to generate an "Aha!" from any same-sex marriage opponent within earshot. "See-we told you so!" they sneer.

Told us what?, I wonder. That some gay people have open relationships? Well, duh.

Glenn's argument seems to be that:

  1. Yarbrough and Rogahn are representative of same-sex couples in general, and
  2. Allowing such couples to marry will erode respect for monogamy, thereby wreaking havoc on society. Therefore
  3. Society should reject same-sex marriage.

Whenever I hear this argument, I think of the first "open" couple I knew-or, to be more precise, the first one of which I was aware. One member was a fellow graduate student; the other, a professor at a different school. At the time I knew them (we've since fallen out of touch) they had been together over 15 years.

Their names? Katie and George.

Yes, the first "open" couple I knew was heterosexual-and married. Aha, yourself.

Katie and George were fully legally married, despite always intending to have an open relationship. They were just as legally married as Mr. and Mrs. Stanton, with all the rights, duties, and privileges appertaining.

Interestingly, conservatives never point to people like Katie and George as evidence that heterosexuals should no longer be allowed to marry. Doing so would commit the fallacy of hasty generalization (among others).

By similar logic, we could point to Britney Spears's 55-hour (pre-Federline) marriage to Jason Allen Alexander and then conclude that celebrities should no longer be allowed to marry (not a bad idea, actually).


Does Britney Spears justify forbidding celebrities to marry?

Stanton's elaboration of his argument is revealing. "If we allow Jonathan Yarbrough and Cody Rogahn to marry," he asks audiences, "what will that say to other married couples? What will it say to the heterosexual couple living next door? The husband might think, 'Hey, that's not a bad idea. I should keep my options open.' How will that affect their marriage?"

Memo to Glenn Stanton: there are already heterosexual couples living next door to Jonathan Yarbrough and Cody Rogahn. (Or so I assume: the couple lives in Glenwood, Minnesota; population 3000-not exactly a gay mecca.) Yet their neighbors are not clamoring to have open relationships any more than they are clamoring to have gay sex.

Nor are Katie and George's neighbors. Nor, for that matter, are Britney Spears's neighbors (which is not to equate her stunt with Katie and George's unconventional but enduring union). The moral of the story? Grownups can think for themselves.

What are conservatives so afraid of? Some homosexual couples, like some heterosexual couples, are what our parents used to call "swingers." Marriage might or might not change that, but it certainly won't entail that every other married couple will follow in their footsteps.

Nobody knows exactly how monogamous gays are compared to straights. More to the point, nobody knows how monogamous gays would be in a society that granted them marriage rights. (If you exclude people from major social institutions like marriage, you shouldn't be surprised if they are less likely to conform to social norms.)

What we do know is that there's a serious double standard involved in allowing people like Katie and George to marry but forbidding people like Jonathan and Cody to do so (except in Massachusetts). You don't have to approve of everything a couple does in order to respect their right to marry.

But the most striking thing about Stanton's position is not its logical gaps, or even its warped view of gay life. The most striking thing is its dim view of heterosexuals, as gullible copycats who can't make simple moral distinctions. The good people of Glenwood deserve better.

The War on Gay Visibility

First published in the Chicago Free Press on Feb 8, 2006.

It has long been obvious that religious and social conservatives have been conducting a crusade against "homosexuality." But since you cannot suppress homosexuality without suppressing gays and lesbians, that means a crusade against gays and lesbians as people.

For example: The President's past support for sodomy laws; Republican opposition to gays in the military; the administration's support for an unprecedented constitutional ban on same-sex marriage; longtime Republican opposition to counting the number of hate crimes against gays and lesbians; opposition to gay parental custody, adoption, and foster care; and uncritical indulgence of homophobic statements by GOP leaders from Dick Armey to Jesse Helms to Rick Santorum.

Notice how many of these involve big government-i.e., coercion-whether it a government proscription of sexual activity, the institutionalization of anti-gay prejudice in a government agency, or the extension of federal control over a matter traditionally left to the states.

Republicans, who once claimed to be the party of small government and personal liberty, have moved far from that position. Economic conservatives usually advocated minimal government intrusion. Social conservatives advocate the exact opposite.

But there is another, larger, aspect to these issues. While social conservatives probably realize that despite their efforts they cannot entirely stamp out homosexuality (that is to say, homosexuals), they can at least make every effort to render them-us-socially and culturally invisible. Hence they oppose same-sex marriage because it would give gay relationships visibility by being registered with the government. If sodomy laws cannot entirely prevent homosexual activity, at least they help to keep it underground and discourage gays and lesbians from being open about their sexuality. The "Don't ask, Don't tell" ban on open gays in the military is simply an extreme version of this same thing: Saying one is gay or lesbian is designated as "homosexual conduct."

In the same way, although past opposition to counting anti-gay hate crimes was no doubt prompted in part by a view that they should not be taken very seriously because, after all, gays just bring attacks on themselves. But even more it stemmed from a wish to avoid giving gays visibility by collecting and publishing statistics about crimes against them. After all, a gay man being assaulted by a homophobe counts as just another kind of "homosexual conduct."

The U.S. census bureau's disinclination to ask even as a voluntary question if people are gay or lesbian is another example of preserving gay invisibility. And of course, the CDC cannot report risk behavior for AIDS by gay and bisexual men, only by "men who have sex with men." If a man is having recurrent "sex with men" that's what gay or bisexual means, but the CDC cannot acknowledge that gays exist as persons, only that people are engaging in certain types of sexual behavior.


Once you start looking around, examples of the effort to suppress gay visibility leap out at you.

Once you start looking around, examples of the effort to suppress gay visibility leap out at you. "Ex-gay" groups fit in perfectly. Most of them no longer claim that they can significantly change a person's sexual desires. Their main goal is to dissuade people from thinking of themselves as "gay," "lesbian" or "homosexual." As therapy, this is preposterous, but it successfully reduces the number of people identifying themselves to others as homosexual.

Social conservative opposition to television programs with gay or lesbian characters, to performance of plays such as "Angels in America," to Gay/Straight Alliances in "public" (government) schools, to the inclusion of homosexuality in any aspect in sex education courses has exactly the same root: We don't want to see gays represented or made visible in any way.

And especially, they will say, they don't want their children to see gays represented anywhere, although they never quite say why. Sometimes they seem to imply that learning that homosexuals exist will somehow, as if by magic, produce homosexual desire in young people. But it is hard to believe that anyone really thinks that.

I suspect the real social conservative fear is one of two things. Either they fear that if their children, or anyone-even they themselves-learn about gays and lesbians, that will gradually incline them to feel greater tolerance for gays. And that could lead them to question the other "bible values" they have been brought up to believe.

The other possibility is that they fear that a knowledge of gays and lesbians that could lead to greater tolerance would make the lives of gays and lesbians less unpleasant. And that is what they do not want. Not sufficiently trusting their god to punish people they regard as sinners, they are eager to take on that task themselves.

Gay author Wayne Besen once wrote about a friendly conversation with a woman he met on an airplane in the course of which he mentioned that he was gay. The woman stiffened and announced that she did not want to hear that. "Do you want me to lie?" Besen asked. "Yes," said the woman.

Focus on the Family’s Gamble.

Focus on the Family, the huge Colorado-based "family values" group, is promoting a kind of statewide partnership bill that would expand legal benefits for unspecified unmarried households (including 'roommates,' relatives, friends, and by default same-sex couples). Of course, it's doing so in an effort to derail an actual civil unions bill for gay partners that the state is also considering.

This development is interesting on several levels. For one, anti-gay loony Paul Cameron has denounced Focus and its leader, James Dobson, in no uncertain terms for selling out. But it may be that Focus, unlike Cameron, realizes it must make some accommodation to "nontraditional" households if it's going to maintain credibility. Or maybe its leaders aren't the Nazi-like monsters of gay fundraising letters and are seeking some sort of (from their view) fair compromise.

More interesting still, however, is that by supporting a measure that can apply to shacked-up straights, the group really is endorsing a "marriage lite" that grants state-provided bennies to those legally entitled to marry but who just don't wanna make that level of commitment, and which could thus weaken the institution of matrimony. But Focus would rather risk this than allow legislation which specifically recognizes that gay people exist and are entitled to at least some semblance of spousal rights, which might then pave the way for gays to actually wed.