Here Comes the Neighborhood.

More on how gay cachet can revitalize deteriorating neighborhoods -- and possibly cities, via the Boston Globe (but about Detroit and its 'burbs):

Since the riots of 1967, Detroit has tried several strategies to revitalize its downtown, including riverfront development and a new mass transit system. City leaders continue to hope that General Motors' move downtown in 1996 will bolster the city's comeback.

Now, some leaders are hoping that an influx of gay residents will help revitalize Detroit. Though the idea is buttressed by a growing body of research, the notion comes as a surprise, given the city's often prickly relationship with the gay community.

Don't tell the anti-gentrifiers!
--Stephen H. Miller

Unintended Consequences?

Employers demonstrate a tendency not to grant interviews to applicants with black-sounding names, as compared with equally qualified applicants with white-sounding names, according to a new survey. Researchers sent out some 5,000 bogus resumes for both hypothetical "white" named and "black" named applicants in response to newspaper ads in Boston and Chicago. The result: Resumes with white-sounding names elicited 50% more responses than ones with black-sounding names.

It's clear that discrimination lives, but it's also worth asking if something else is afoot. African-American employees, as members of a protected class under the civil rights laws, can threaten to bring racial discrimination suits if they are fired or not promoted. Whether a suit is groundless or not, business insurers almost always urge employers to settle out of court since legal costs are so exorbitant (and negative publicity is best avoided, in any event).

Given this situation, many employers have come to believe that, all things being equal, it's best not to hire more minority applicants than is necessary to avoid scrutiny, or even grant unnecessary interviews (since if interviewed, but not hired, a premise for a civil rights suit has still been established). Employers will not speak publicly about this, but many, in private, more than hint this is the case.

Isn't this at least worth acknowledging as we debate the value of a national workplace anti-discrimination law making gays and lesbians a protected class? The proposed federal Employee Non-Discrimination Act (ENDA) is the prime goal of the big, national, gay political lobbies, and I"ve said before I believe its passage could send a strong, symbolic message of inclusion. But that doesn't mean we should ignore possible unintended, and negative, consequences in making employers hesitant about hiring openly gay applicants (especially since ENDA, unlike the civil rights laws protecting racial minorities, won't be buttressed by either affirmative action mandates or judicial decisions requiring gays to be hired at least in proportion to our numbers in the local population).

Asking such heretical questions doesn't make your typical lesbigay activist very happy, but a movement on auto-drive isn"t, ultimately, in anyone's best interest.

What’s Changed Since Hardwick?

First published January 15, 2003, in the Chicago Free Press.

THE SUPREME COURT indicated late last year that it would hear the case of "Lawrence and Garner v Texas" (hereafter "Lawrence"), the appeal by two Texas men arrested, briefly jailed and fined for violating a Texas law forbidding homosexual, but not heterosexual, sodomy.

In granting the hearing, the court seemed to be signaling that it was willing to reconsider its widely deplored 1986 "Bowers v Hardwick" decision upholding Georgia's more comprehensive sodomy law. Had the court wished to let Hardwick stand, it would simply have refused to hear Lawrence and Garner's appeal.

Since it takes votes from at least four justices to grant a hearing, that probably means at least four liberal justices (perhaps Stevens, Souter, Ginsburg, Breyer) think Hardwick was wrongly decided and are reasonably confident they can pick up one or more centrist votes (Kennedy or O'Connor) to overturn it.

A less optimistic view: The justices are well aware that two, possibly three of the oldest justices--including liberal John Paul Stevens and centrist Sandra Day O'Connor--may resign during the Bush presidency and are likely to be replaced by fairly conservative judges. So the liberals may feel that even if their chances of overturning Hardwick are far from certain, this term will be the last chance for many years.

So, will the court overturn Hardwick? The court can do almost anything the majority has a will to do and find ways to interpret precedents to support the decision. So the question might be: Does the court have a will to overturn Hardwick? But that may be the wrong question. The right question may be: Does a majority have a will to uphold Hardwick? It may not.

The Hardwick decision attracts little support. It has been vigorously criticized by many conservative and libertarian as well as liberal legal theorists. Harvard law professor Charles Fried, solicitor general during part of the Reagan administration (1985-89) wrote of Justice White's "stunningly harsh and dismissive opinion."

University of Chicago libertarian law professor (and Chief Judge of the 7th Circuit Court of Appeals) Richard Posner wrote that there was "a gratuitousness, an egregiousness, a cruelty, and a meanness" about the Georgia statute itself and argued its unconstitutionality.

And it is well-known that Justice Powell himself, who first voted to overturn Georgia's sodomy law then changed his mind and voted to uphold it, four years later admitted publicly, "I think I probably made a mistake in that one."

The Court hates to reverse earlier decisions, but it is fairly willing to change its mind. Its preferred method is to make some distinction between the older case and the newer one. With Lawrence the materials are available. Hardwick was argued on sexual privacy grounds. Since the Texas law applies only to gays, Lawrence can and will be argued largely on equal protection grounds: Texas denies gays as a class equal treatment under the law.

But more than that, the nation has changed since Hardwick. In 2003 we are now exactly as far beyond Hardwick as Hardwick was beyond Stonewall. Since 1986 the nation's understanding and acceptance of gays--and gay relationships--has greatly increased.

By 2003, far more gays and lesbians are openly gay--two, three, even four times as many as in 1986--and believe it is their moral right to be so. As a result, hardly any reasonably alert person can say, as the elderly Justice Powell claimed in 1986, that they have never known a homosexual. (Powell had had more than a half-dozen gay clerks but none was open with Powell.)

Nor are members of the court immune to a growing understanding and acceptance of gays. Greater exposure to gays may not force the justices to overturn Hardwick but it certainly can dilute the sort of ignorance and hostility that underlay White's decision and Burger's snide concurring opinion. And It may prompt justices to look harder for ways to overturn Hardwick.

Nor, of course, can the justices afford to be completely insensitive to shifts in public opinion if they are to retain respect for the Court and its decisions.

In 2003, the great majority of U.S. adults think sodomy laws should be abolished. While White's decision could note with satisfaction that sodomy laws were part of the American tradition and 24 states retained them in 1986, by 2003, only 13 states have sodomy laws. So sodomy laws are a rapidly waning part of the American tradition.

It is not without significance that in 1986 fears about AIDS had boosted support for sodomy laws to its highest point since the mid-1970s. But as AIDS became better understood and treatments became available, support for sodomy laws plummeted. In 1986, 53 percent of college freshmen favored sodomy laws, but by 2001 support fell to less than one-fourth (24.9).

Hardwick was widely viewed unfavorably in 1986. If the court rules similarly in 2003, the hostile reaction will be far more intense, widespread and sustained. It is hard to believe the Court would issue a decision that would find favor only among droolers.

Bawer’s Latest.

In an op-ed published in Monday's New York Times, IGF contributor Bruce ("A Place at the Table") Bawer has this to say about the closing of New York's famed Oscar Wilde Bookshop (1967-2003):

Today's young gay readers, viewing their homosexuality not as a perplexity or a tragedy, but as a matter-of-fact part of their identity, are less likely to need the affirmation and reassurance (and company) that specifically gay books once provided. Increasingly, they know who they are. They're happy with who they are. They think of themselves as a part of the larger world. They may love to read -- let's hope they do -- but the hole in the soul that places like the Oscar Wilde Bookshop once helped to fill is no longer there. And that's not a terrible thing.

War Talk.

IGF contributor Dale Carpenter has penned this column on the National Gay & Lesbian Task Force joining the coalition against U.S. military action in Iraq. Writes Carpenter:

If there's a gay interest at all, it's in removing an anti-gay regime to make the lives of gay Iraqis at least marginally tolerable. But that would counsel gay support for a war, and NGLTF opposes it. -- NGLTF has completed its transformation from an organization concerned about gay rights to an organization concerned about all the world's problems. It is no longer a gay organization, and barely pretends to be.

Service-minded.

As reported in this Texas Triangle story, members of the Gay and Lesbian Service Members for Equality (GLSME) are asking that gays not be excluded from any future military draft (though I'd note restoring conscription is highly unlikely). "In this time of shared sacrifice, we believe that the military cannot afford to waste the talent of any American who is able to serve," says the group's letter to congressional leaders, which compellingly argues that "The Don't Ask, Don't Tell policy is harming the military by wasting precious talent and resources."

Elsewhere in the same story (and more extensively in the online Washington Blade), we learn that Northwestern University Professor Charles Moskos, the primary architect of the military policy on gay and lesbian soldiers, now says the ban should be scrapped if the draft returns. As he put it:

"You can't use a gay ban with a draft because that would make it too easy for people to get out. -- If an open gay said, "I want to go into the army," it would be his prerogative. -- Of course, there would be problems with that, there would be hassles, but they probably could be overcome."

So suddenly the bogeyman of "unit cohesion," the great threat to morale used to justify the whole "don't ask, don't tell" debacle (which I prefer to call "lie and hide"), doesn't really amount to so much after all. Who'd have thought? And by the way, what kind of person says gays shouldn't be allowed to volunteer for the army, but should be forced to join if a draft is instituted?

Clashing Colors.

The Texas Triangle story referenced above also notes that:

the Lavender Green Caucus, representing lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and intersex people in the Green Party of the United States, released a position statement opposing President Bush's planned invasion of Iraq, saying "Make no mistake -- American soldiers, gay and straight alike, will serve as cannon fodder in George W. Bush's bid to topple Saddam Hussein and gain control over Iraqi oil reserves""

Yes, the twin evils of capitalism and imperialism are always Why We Fight. The lavender greens, by the way, also oppose the military gay ban, so their position seems to be a demand to let gays serve as long as we never actually go to war.

Not the Same.

This Jan. 9 Philadelphia Inquirer story isn't the first time I've come across a report of a heterosexual wife deciding to remain with her husband after he undergoes male-to-female sexual surgery. "Their love survived great changes," reads the subhead. Clearly. On the legal side, some states allow these couples to remain married, though they appear to be a same-sex union -- just as some states, for instance, refuse to recognize marriages between a male-to-female transgendered person and a male (born male). Expect more litigation on this front, though the issue being judged may be the legal determination of gender identity rather than the rights of same-sex couples to wed.

Taking Aim.

The Jan. 10-16 issue of the Orange County Weekly features a big report on the Pink Pistols, the gay gun training / self-protection groups that are attracting the attention of the conservative National Rifle Assocation (NRA), but making some gay groups queasy. IGF's own Jonathan Rauch, a long-time Pink Pistols booster, is quoted at some length:

Rauch [wrote] that the appearance of strength was as important as strength itself. Consider straight America's response to the 1998 Shepard killing. "Shepard was small, helpless and childlike. He never had a chance. This made him a sympathetic figure of a sort that is comfortingly familiar to straight Americans: the weak homosexual."

Good intentions and hate-crime laws did nothing to help gays and lesbians because, Rauch wrote, they "do nothing to challenge the stereotype of the pathetic faggot. Indeed, they confirm it. By running to the heterosexual majority for protection, homosexuals reaffirm their vulnerability and victimhood."

The OC Weekly story goes on to note that:

The rise of the Pistols has proved a flinty issue for national gay organizations.... "This movement puts gay groups between a rock and hard place," Rauch says. "I think they"re uncomfortable with the premise, especially with how it makes their straight, liberal supporters feel. On the other hand, this is a true grassroots movement, which is all about self-empowerment, which is what the gay movement has been about. These groups don't know what to say."

Some Pink Pistol members who are quoted say they've felt more at home at NRA meetings when introducing themselves as Pistols than they have at certain gay organizations. Says one:

"I think the NRA sees the great possibilities. -- I"ve sat down with them, and some of them have had questions about gays and sex. Yeah, it was a little weird, but I could see they were genuinely interested. For many of them, it was probably their first contact with a gay man, and I was happy I was able to provide information so they could see I was a human being."

Stereotypes, after all, are best overcome when we, as gay people, actually make human connections with those who don't know us (or don't know they know us).

Homophobes Say the Darndest Things.

IGF contributor Rick Rosendall has given me permission to relay this account of how the highly conservative and often gay-hostile Washington Times treated his recent letter to the editor. Here's the story (hang in here): The paper has recently started carrying a weekly column by another IGF contributor, Andrew Sullivan of the oft-quoted andrewsullivan.com. In his Dec. 20 column (no longer available on the paper's website without paying), Andrew took to task the anti-gay group Accuracy in Media for promoting the idea that homosexuality is linked to pedophilia. In response, a letter to the editor penned by Accuracy in Media's Reed Irvine ran in the paper. In answer to Irvine's letter (keeping hanging in there), Rick Rosendall wrote this response, which then subsequently ran in the paper.

Except that the way Rick's letter appeared in print wasn't the way he wrote it: the letters editor changed Rick's use of the word "gay(s)" to "homosexual(s)" throughout. Rick, feeling his point of view had been skewed, fired off the following missive to the letters editor:

I strongly object to your changing "gay" to "homosexual" throughout my letter as printed in today's letters page. Regardless of your own style sheet, this sort of editorial policy makes no sense, as it is my name below the letter and not yours, and that is not what I wrote. Virtually no one talks that way any more, including Times readers. This is such a relic, I cannot believe you would insist on doing this. Why can't you let people speak in their own voices, short of obscenity? In fact, why don't you insist on it?

In response, Rick received the following note:

Dear Mr. Rosendall,
Per The Times' policy against Orwellian abuse of the English language, the euphemism "gay" is not used to describe the homosexual lifestyle.
Cordially,
Matthew A. Rarey, Letters Editor

What's interesting is not so much that a right-leaning paper has a thoroughly, even laughably, reactionary letters editor (even the title he gave Rick's original published letter, "Homosexuals pooh-pooh pedophilia," is belittling and misleading), but that this very conservative paper also is running Andrew Sullivan's "Weekly Dish" column and not editing its pro-gay content, much less its use of the "G" word instead of the "H" word. Institutions, I believe, don't change all at once, and even the most right-wing often have, at any point in time, people who are to varying degrees in our corner or against us. Maximizing the forward-thinkers and standing up to the backward-lookers is what it's all about.

On a happier media note, following the lead of its flagship paper, The Orange County Register, Freedom Communications Inc. has become the first national newspaper chain to enact a policy for all its papers to print same-sex union announcements, as noted in this press release. The Orange County Register is usually characterized as a conservative paper, but one that leans toward libertarian conservatism. Which just goes to show what a truly ideologically diverse world we live in!
--Stephen H. Miller

Friends, and Friends Like These�

The U.S. Supreme Court will soon hear arguments in Lawrence v. State of Texas, a case that could overturn all remaining state "sodomy laws" through the U.S. -- or, perhaps, just overturn same-sex sodomy laws, or in the worse case scenario, wind up upholding these hideous relics. Amicus (or "friend of the court") briefs in support of one side or the other are being filed by numerous organizations; the deadline is January 16.

The liberal Justices on the court (Ginsburg, Breyer, Souter, and Stevens) are all expected to vote to overturn the sodomy statutes. The moderate-conservatives (O"Connor and Kennedy) are the swing votes that could go either way, though Kennedy wrote the Evans v. Romer ruling that barred Colorado and other states from blocking gay rights laws. O"Connor signed onto Romer, but also voted to keep sodomy laws 17 years ago when the court last visited the issue, in Bowers v. Hardwick. The hard conservatives (Scalia and Rehnquist) will vote to uphold the laws. I didn't include Thomas among them because, believe it or not, some court watchers think he might actually be reachable with the right limited-government arguments. It's doubtful, I admit, but possible.

The briefs with the best chance to sway the non-liberals will be filed by groups such as the libertarian Cato Institute (see my earlier posting on a Cato letter in the Wall Street Journal arguing for repeal based on equal liberty/equal protection arguments under the 14th Amendment); by the Log Cabin Republicans and its sister group, the Liberty Education Forum (which will also, in part, be making equal protection arguments); and by the Republican Unity Coalition.

Of real concern, however, are the briefs to be filed by groups such as the National Organization for Women, and perhaps the National Gay & Lesbian Task Force, among others. It's quite possible that their arguments will be based not on conservative constitutional principles, but on the greatly disputed "privacy right" behind Roe v. Wade, under which a far more liberal court found abortion rights in the Constitution. Even more problematic, they may reach to include arguments in favor of gay marriage -- certainly a worthy and important cause, but one that should be taken to the court only after sodomy repeal is the law of the land. Arguments of this nature may appeal to the left-liberal base of thes groups. But while not needed to achieve the votes of the liberals, they could well scare off the centrist and conservative swing votes. In any event, we"ll know soon enough.

Who's Being Helped?

Michael Bronski, a writer on the gay left, scores a number of good points in this critique of the Gay & Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation, a group I was affiliated with several years ago. Bronski, writing in Boston's The Phoenix, looks at some of GLAAD's recent actions and observes:

The bottom line is that GLAAD has more in common than not with right-wing, religion-based groups that have railed against such works as Terrence McNally's Corpus Christi and Martin Scorsese's The Last Temptation of Christ. -- [GLAAD] is claiming that there is only one correct way to represent homosexuality through art. If the former is religious fundamentalism, the latter is sexual-identity fundamentalism. And if enforcing that is what GLAAD sees as its job, it's fair to ask whether the organization has lost its way -- and its relevance.

Although Bronski doesn't say it, GLAAD's recent habit of shaking contributions out of producers, in order to avoid trouble over works that GLAAD may otherwise find insufficiently positive as representations of lesbian and gay (and bisexual and transgender) lives, comes right out of the Jesse Jackson playbook.

Late Addendum: Whoops! Bronski's critique is actually more than a year old - the fact that the Phoenix puts today's date on top of its web pages, even for archived material, threw me a curve. Oh, well, it's still worth noting.

Homosexuality and Morality, Part 4: The Unnaturalness Argument

PEOPLE OFTEN ARGUE that homosexual sex is "unnatural." But what does that mean? Many things we value - like clothing, medicine, and government - are unnatural in some sense. On the other hand, many things we detest - like disease, suffering, and death - are "natural" in some sense. If the unnaturalness charge is to be more than empty rhetorical flourish, those who levy it must specify what they mean.

What Is Unusual or Abnormal Is Unnatural

One meaning of "unnatural" refers to that which is statistically abnormal. Obviously, most people engage in heterosexual relationships. But does it follow that it is wrong to engage in homosexual relationships? Relatively few people read Sanskrit, play the mandolin, breed goats, or write with both hands, yet none of these activities is immoral simply because it is practiced by minority of people.

What Is Not Practiced by Other Animals Is Unnatural

Others argue, "Even animals know better than to behave homosexually; homosexuality must be wrong." This argument is doubly flawed. First, it rests on a false premise: numerous studies have shown that some animals do form homosexual pair-bonds. Second, even if that premise were true, it would not prove that homosexuality is immoral. After all, animals don't cook their food, brush their teeth, attend college, or read the newspaper; human beings do all of these without moral censure. The notion that we ought to look to animals for our moral standards is simply facetious.

What Does Not Proceed from Innate Desires Is Unnatural

Some people argue that homosexual people are "born that way" and that it is therefore natural and good for them to form homosexual relationships. Others insist that homosexuality is a "lifestyle choice," which is therefore unnatural and wrong. Both sides assume a connection between the origin of homosexual orientation and the moral value of homosexual activity. And insofar as they share that assumption, both sides are wrong.

Consider first the pro-gay side, which assumes that all innate desires are good ones. This assumption is clearly false. Research suggests that some people are born with a predisposition toward violence, but such people have no more right to strangle their neighbors than anyone else. So while some people may be born with homosexual tendencies, it doesn't follow that they ought to act on them.

Nor does it follow that they ought not to act on them, even if the tendencies are not innate. I probably do not have any innate tendency to write with my left hand (since I, like everyone else in my family, have always been right-handed), but it doesn't follow that it would be immoral for me to do so. So simply asserting that homosexuality is a "lifestyle choice" will not prove that it is an immoral lifestyle choice.

What Violates an Organ's Principal Purpose Is Unnatural

Perhaps when people claim that homosexual sex is unnatural they mean that it cannot result in procreation. The idea behind the argument is that human organs have various "natural" purposes: eyes are for seeing, ears are for hearing, genitals are for procreating. According to this view, it is immoral to use an organ in a way that violates its particular purpose.

Many of our organs, however, have multiple purposes. I can use my mouth for talking, eating, breathing, licking stamps, chewing gum, kissing women, or kissing men, and it seems rather arbitrary to claim that all but the last use are "natural." (And if we say that some of the other uses are "unnatural, but not immoral," we have failed to specify a morally relevant sense of the term "natural.")

Just because people can and do use their sexual organs to procreate, it does not follow that they should not use them for other purposes. Sexual organs seem well suited for expressing love, for giving and receiving pleasure, and for celebrating, replenishing, and enhancing relationships - even when procreation is not a factor. This is why heterosexual people have sex even if they don't want - or can't have - children. To allow heterosexual people to pursue sex without procreation while forbidding homosexual people to do the same is morally inconsistent.

What Is Disgusting or Offensive Is Unnatural

It often seems that when people call homosexuality "unnatural" they really just mean that it's disgusting. But plenty of morally neutral activities - eating snails, performing autopsies, cleaning toilets, watching the Anna Nicole Smith Show - are disgusting to many people. That something disgusts you may be sufficient grounds for an aesthetic judgment against it, but it is hardly grounds for a moral judgment.

Proponents of the unnaturalness argument have given us no good reason to believe that "unnatural" equals "immoral" or that homosexuality is unnatural in any significant sense. In sum, their position is longer on rhetorical flourish than on philosophical cogency.

United Fronts.

An item I posted on Dec. 30 dealt with the National Gay & Lesbian Task Force's endorsement of a statement issued by left-wing groups that oppose U.S. military action against Saddam Hussein's regime in Iraq. Elsewhere on this site, you can find Rick Rosendall's column taking the Task Force to task (so to speak) for past positions against U.S. foreign policy. But in case you think that NGLTF is alone on the movement's left flank, consider an article in the Jan. 3 issue of New York's Gay City News titled "Queer Anti-War Sentiment Grows." It reports:

Queer anti-war activists had pressed NGLTF to oppose the war -- One group threatened to boycott NGLTF if it did not oppose the war. Others simply urged the Task Force to take a stand against the war....

"I think it's great," said Joseph N. DeFilippis, coordinator of the Queer Economic Justice Network. "The statement looks fine. It was shrewd of them to do it as part of a coalition so they don't have to stand up and get attacked by the conservative elements in our community."

There has been some criticism from left-leaning activists who see the "Keep America Safe" statement as insufficiently tough. A commentary on the web site blackcommentator.com described it as "anti-war lite." Mandy Carter, a long-time black, lesbian activist, offered a similar critique. "When I hear the line about patriotism -- this is why we have wars in the first place," she said. "We continue to have wars because we are guarding the flag and the nation states." Still Carter approved of NGLTF's position seeing it as part of a spectrum of positions that groups are taking against any U.S. war with Iraq.

You don't have to be in favor of eliminating the butcher of Baghdad before he acquires the bomb to believe that the possible war isn't a "gay" issue. While NGLTF seeks to ingratiate itself within the increasingly marginal political left (which seems more and more fixated on trying to re-enact Vietnam-era protests), such an identification doesn't help gays and lesbians achieve our long-term objectives, which have all to do with full equality under the law, rather than dreams of forced economic redistribution, de-militarizing America, undermining the nation state, or whatever contradictory panaceas are being ballyhooed at the moment.

Diverse Agendas. While on the topic of prominent national gay groups entering into (or becoming captives of) coalition politics, let's take a look at the Human Rights Campaign, the nation's largest GLBT lobby -- leaving aside the matter of whether the regrettably now ubiquitous GLBT (or LGBT) tag, for "gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender," is itself a union of causes. HRC is considered politically more moderate than NGLTF, and it won't be taking a position on the Iraqi conflict. But it hasn't exactly rejected broader alliances of its own, either.

HRC serves on the executive committee of the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and participated on the conference's Task Force on Affirmative Action, which lobbies Congress to maintain race-based preferences. Their support for preferential treatment based on race serves to confuses the claim that gays only want equal rights, not special rights, for ourselves. Conservatives, not irrationally, fear that federal non-discrimination legislation inevitably leads to government-mandated preferential treatment.

In the past, HRC has also included non-gay specific issues such as support for government funded abortions among the key votes it has used to rate congressional candidates. Among the measures used on its "congressional scorecards" over the years have been federal bills dealing with funding for abortion services, overseas abortion services, and restricting protests outside of abortion clinics. Bv taking into consideration votes on bills such as these, HRC ensures that moderate GOP legislators who have reached out to gays, but are pro-life to some degree, receive only mediocre to poor ratings -- which are then ballyhooed throughout the gay press as a definitive sign of how "pro-gay" someone is, or isn"t.

Such "grand coalition" tactics are, if anything, even more likely among local GLBT groups. I received one letter complaining that the Empire State Pride Agenda, New York's largest gay rights group, used support for legalized partial-birth abortion as a litmus test for its endorsement of candidates, but didn't ask about same-sex marriage. As a result, the letter writer relayed that in his district ESPA endorsed an anti-same-sex-marriage Democrat over a pro-same-sex-marriage Republican.

Deference to coalitions can wind up working against our own interest. At the very least, groups that want to work for liberal or even leftist agendas should make it clear that their focus is on a diverse range of causes, many of which gay moderates, conservatives, and libertarians would rather oppose than support.

Getting Better All the Time?

I received a letter taking me to task for a Dec. 24 posting that included the line that "...the intolerant religious right is no longer going to be calling the shots in the GOP." My critic asked, "What on earth did you mean by the absolutely astonishing assertion?" and added, "Were you perhaps celebrating the birth of the baby Jesus by wearing your rose-colored glasses? It is amazing to my partner and me that a grown up adult person can actually believe what you wrote."

My response: I absolutely think that something has fundamentally changed in American politics over recent years. There is a new recognition in the GOP, coming down from campaign strategist Karl Rove, but also from GOP leaders such as Rep. Tom Davis (most recently chairman of the National Republican Congressional Committee) who, like incoming Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist, has spoken several times at Log Cabin Republican events. Vice President Dick Cheney's input is also important, given his family's support for openly lesbian daughter (and former professional gay corporate liaison) Mary Cheney.

These are among the powerful voices within the party supportive of gay inclusion, recognizing that (1) the all-important suburban vote is lost with too much kowtowing to the religious right; (2) the religious right's political importance is waning (though not entirely disappearing), and (3) an inclusive message and image will bring in both independents and more minority voters - enough to win a majority of the electorate. This view is very different from what the national party believed in the past, and it's certainly not good news for what remains of the political religious right. Jerry Falwell's Moral Majority is gone as a political force. Pat Robertson's Christian Coalition has been floundering, with its numbers way down. Gary Bauer's exit two years ago seriously crippled the Family Research Council. Yes, James Dobson's Focus on the Family is still effective -- though its main efforts were never as political as the others.

Lou Sheldon's Traditional Values Coalition may remain a force to be countered, but when they pressed California gubernatorial candidate Bill Simon to adhere to their homophobic line last year, they cost him the election (and now it's clear that a statewide GOP candidate too closely linked to the traditional values crowd can't win in the Golden State). Robert Knight's small Culture and Family Institute (which resides within the Concerned Women for America) gets a bit of press, as do a few other groups. But the contrast with five years ago is startling.

This is a new era, and I think that needs to be pointed out -- especially since the gay left keeps implying things are getting worse. If I'm wearing rose-colored glasses, they're wearing blinders.

The New Family Values.

In the nation's capital on Jan. 2, both the Washington Post and the conservative Washington Times carried front page stories -- with photos -- announcing that the first baby of 2003 to arrive in the area was the daughter of two lesbian moms. The new parents recently moved from Virginia to Montgomery County, Maryland, because Virginia doesn't allow second-parent adoptions or recognize familial rights of same-sex partners. "I really like living in Virginia. But it's more important to be a parent," said new mom Joanna Bare, whose partner, Helen Rubin, is the baby's birth mother. Notes the Post, "The fact that a baby touted as the year's first in the Washington area was born into an 'alternative family' reflects the growing trend, some said." And perhaps gay families relocating to gay-friendlier jurisdictions does, too.

Get a Clue. Last week, the Washington Post ran a story headlined "Help Still Wanted: Arabic Linguists." The report dealt with the needs of the CIA, FBI, National Security Agency, and Defense Department, but somehow failed to mention that just two months ago the Army discharged 10 soldiers who were studying to become Arabic linguists because they are gay (see my Nov. 11 posting, "Bigotry Trumps Security"). Ironically, the San Francisco Chronicle reports that the Bush administration has nominated Arthur Collingsworth, who is openly gay, to a board created to interest people in pursuing careers as linguists and in other areas related to global security. Could any policy be more confused than this one?

Just Looking. Also in the Washington Post on Thursday was a story about the work of the air marshals now protecting commercial air flights. As the Post reported:

In one incident, an air marshal on a flight noticed a male passenger starring at him. He surreptitiously called and told his partner to watch to see whether the man followed him through the terminal. Sure enough, the suspicious passenger trailed the air marshal all the way to baggage claim, where the partner got a local police official to intervene. "Hey, man, it's okay," the passenger said, according to the intelligence official. "I just thought he was cute."