Gay-Friendly “Hipublicans.”

An article in this week's New York Times Magazine called "The Young Hipublicans," by John Colapinto, looks at young college conservatives -- and finds that unlike earlier generations they're pretty cool when it comes to gays. An excerpt:

But the difference between the college conservatives of 20 years ago and today goes deeper than dress. Many members of the Bucknell conservatives club, for instance, endorse same-sex unions. Corey Langer recently wrote a Counterweight article supporting gay marriages. This is a far cry from -- when gay males were termed ''sodomites'' in The Dartmouth Review.

In part, the Bucknellians' openness to gays and lesbians can be attributed to the strong streak of libertarianism that runs through the club -- a conviction that the government should stay out of any and all aspects of life, including the bedroom. But you can't hang out long with the Bucknell Conservatives and not form the opinion that their tolerance on issues like homosexuality goes beyond libertarianism.

Like the rest of their generation, they've been trained, from preschool onward, in the tenets of cooperation, politeness and racial and gender sensitivity. As much as they would hate to admit it -- as hard as they try to fight it -- these quintessential values have suffused their consciousness and tempered their messages. "

Though they don't necessarily think of themselves as Republican, the stance they take on individual issues -- taxes, abortion, affirmative action -- gives them a conservative identity. And being a conservative can be cool and, as Mitchell puts it, not ''just something that wacko people in Alabama do.

Those in the conservative/libertarian camp are taking on the reactionary bigotry of their forebears, so in the not too distant future both the mainstream right and left will offer welcoming alternatives to gay people, as the preachers of prejudice find themselves increasingly marginalized.

Public or Private?

Responding to published accounts "outing" Rep. Mark Foley (R-Florida), who is running for the U.S. Senate, the Gay & Lesbian Victory Fund -- which works to elect openly gay candidates -- issued this statement. Says Victory Fund Executive Director Chuck Wolfe:

We believe that openly gay and lesbian public servants are part of a healthy democracy and a representative government. -- At the same time, we believe that all Americans have a fundamental right to privacy, and therefore, a right to choose not to discuss their personal lives. --

It is reported that Congressman Foley, in his conversation today with select reporters, asserted his choice not to discuss his private life, which we respect. At those junctures where Congressman Foley does reference either his personal life or homosexuality, we call on him to be factual and truthful, so as to respect the decision of millions of gay Americans to live open, honest lives.

We also call on Congressman Foley, Florida Gov. Jeb Bush and the Republican Party under his leadership to make no statements that suggest that openly gay Americans are unfit for public service or incapable of embracing conservative principles, if they so choose. We believe that voters will choose their elected representatives based on the issues, not speculation.

That seems like a reasoned -- and reasonable -- response. As much as I'd like more gay Republicans to come out, the bar should be set high when it comes to claiming a "right" to label anyone's sexuality against their wishes.

Recent Postings

05/18/03 - 05/24/03

The Rate of Gay Progress

First published May 28, 2003, in the Chicago Free Press.

There is no doubt that Americans are becoming more tolerant of, accepting of and/or comfortable with gays and lesbians. Virtually every public opinion survey shows small increases in support for gay equality over previous surveys.

The reasons seem not far to seek: the increasing visibility of gays in the mass media, popular culture and news stories; the increasing number of gay people coming out to family and friends; the presence of more open gays in the workplace, church, and neighborhood. More people are meeting gays personally, unlearning earlier impressions that gays are strange or threatening.

But is there a way to get a handle on how fast this change in attitudes toward gays is happening? Perhaps so.

The Gallup News Service recently released results of the gay-related questions in Gallup's 2003 Values and Beliefs survey and included some interesting comparative data from previous years.

The survey found that in 2003, 60 percent of voting age Americans think homosexuality should be legal. Back in 1977, when the question was first asked, the survey found that only 43 percent thought homosexuality should be legal. This is a 17 point change in 26 years.

The next question it asked was whether homosexuals should have "equal rights in terms of job opportunities." In 1977, 56 percent said they thought so, but now in 2003, 88 percent say they think so, a 32 point change over 26 years.

Clearly the rate of attitude shifts on gay issues depends on which issue. Gallup analysts suggest that change on the legality of gay sex is slower than that of employment discrimination because the legality issue taps into people's sense of public morality while the employment issue draws on people's attitudes about discrimination and fair play.

So perhaps the most significant question in the survey was the one that asked simply if homosexuality "should be considered an acceptable alternative lifestyle." More than the others, this question gets close to the root of public attitudes about our lives and loves and people's respect for our sense of who we are as people.

In 1982, when this question was first asked, barely 34 said yes, homosexuality is a legitimate lifestyle. Now, in 2003, 54 percent - more than half - say it should be considered legitimate. This is a 20 point rise in 21 years, about a percentage point each year.

That is what I think the average rate of gay progress has tended to be. You could even get roughly the same result if you averaged the 17 point change on the legality issue and the 32 point change on employment discrimination to get an average change of 24 or 25 points over 26 years.

To provide a double check, similar longitudinal data are available from the annual survey of 250,000 college freshmen conducted by the Higher Education Research Institute at UCLA. In 1977, the survey found that 47 percent of freshmen thought it was important to have "laws against homosexual relationships." By 2002, only 25 percent agreed, a 22 point decline over 26 years, or not quite 1 point a year.

And on a question about civil marriage for gays, when the question was first asked in 1997, only 51 percent of the freshmen approved, but by 2002, 59 percent approved of it, an eight point increase in only five years.

Does all this mean that Americans as individuals are changing their minds about gay people and gay issues. No doubt some do: parents who discover they have a gay child, people who find a valued co-worker is gay, people who move into friendship circles where there are open gays.

But a larger part of the change probably stems from the plain fact that older people who grew up in more intolerant times and invariably hold the most negative attitudes about gays die and are replaced in the population by younger people who lack anti-gay attitudes because for them a visible gay presence in their lives and among their friends is an everyday matter.

Keep in mind, for instance, that while 60 percent of the adult population thinks homosexuality should not be illegal, 75 percent of the college freshmen agree. If the youngest age group is 15 points more gay supportive than the average, then the oldest age cohort is at least 15 points more anti-gay than the average, a 30 point divergence.

To be sure, college freshmen are more liberal on gay issues than non-college 18 years olds, but follow up surveys have shown that students become even more gay accepting throughout their college years and the age difference shows up in other surveys too, so the general point holds.

As young people grow older, the gay attitudes of each age group comes to resemble those of the one below it from a decade earlier, and because of the increased visibility of gays, people in the youngest age group keep becoming more gay accepting than the people previously in that age group.

The encouraging news here is that while the rate of change is no doubt variable in the short term, it seems fairly constant in the long term, and there seems little the religious right can do to slow or stop it.

Foley’s Two-Step.

What's fascinating and disturbing about Florida GOP congressman (and senate hopeful) Mark Foley's attempt to avoid discussing "topic G" is the way that, at least for now, anti-gay colleagues like Tom Delay are backing him up. Memo to Mark: Something's got to give, one way or the other -- it's 2003, not 1953 (or even 1993)!

At Least Someone's Having a Good Time.

Popular blogger Eugene Volokh, who teaches at UCLA Law School and clerked for Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, presents some interesting findings on what he terms "the myth of the median hyper-promiscuous gay male." Volokh writes:

the claim that the median American gay male (not just a minority of gays) is hyper-promiscuous (not just a bit more promiscuous than heterosexuals) appears to be false -- and politically quite important. --

" claims that, say, the median gay man has over 250 sexual partners in a lifetime makes gays seem in a way freakish and deviant, and makes it much harder for people to see gay sexual relationships as emotionally comparable to straight sexual relationships. --

All the data I've seen supporting the hyper-promiscuous median gay male claim has been junk science. It often refers to real studies -- but to studies of groups that we have no reason to think are representative of the median gay male.

In other words, a small minority of the gay male minority is skewing the results for the rest of us -- quell surprise!

Conservatives vs. Religious Right,
Round 2.

Ramesh Ponnuru, a senior editor at the conservative National Review, had this to say at National Review Online about threats being made by religious right leaders that their minions might bolt the GOP if President Bush doesn't toe their anti-gay line:

Social-conservative leaders have the bad habits of not setting priorities and of threatening more than they can deliver. The average social conservative likes President Bush. -- If the administration continues its current course -- and does not nominate a squish to the Supreme Court -- are social conservatives really going to stay home because Marc Racicot [head of the Republican National Committee] met with gay groups and the president didn't support Rick Santorum more forcefully?

To which Ken Connor, the head of the Family Research Council, replied. And to which Ponnuru then replied back (scroll down past the tax-cut story).
--Stephen H. Miller

Conservatives and the Religious Right.

There's an important new piece by influential conservative David Horowitz on his frontpagemagazine.com website. Titled Pride Before a Fall, Horowitz takes to task the homophobia of the religious right, finding it both intolerant and divisive. He writes:

In four Gospels - including the Sermon on the Mount - Jesus neglected to mention the subject of homosexuality. But that hasn't stopped a handful of self-appointed leaders of the so-called Religious Right from deciding that it is an issue worth the presidency of the United States. In what the Washington Times described as a "stormy session" last week, the Rev. Lou Sheldon, Paul Weyrich, Gary Bauer and eight other "social conservatives" read the riot act to RNC chairman Marc Racicot for meeting with the "Human Rights Campaign," a group promoting legal protections for homosexuals. This indiscretion, they said, "could put Bush's entire re-election campaign in jeopardy."

According to the Times" report by Ralph Hallow, the RNC chairman defended himself by saying, "You people don't want me to meet with other folks, but I meet with anybody and everybody." To this Gary Bauer retorted, "That can't be true because you surely would not meet with the leaders of the Ku Klux Klan."

Nice analogy Gary. Way to love thy neighbor.

There are a growing number of important conservative figures who are not happy with the religious right's anti-gay antics, especially their threats against the Bush administration over its outreach toward gays. Increasingly, the religious right is being marginalized by mainstream conservatives who know that the future is an inclusive one, based on the core values of indivdiual liberty and responsiblity, as opposed to the left's bureaucratic collectivism and the religious right's bigotry (and big-goverment support for bedroom police enforcing sodomy laws). This is a very good sign.
--Stephen H. Miller

Recent Postings

05/11/03 - 05/17/03

Winning the ‘Culture Wars.’

Here's the Christian right's view of the 2004 presidential election, via their worldnetdaily website, which laments:

The 2004 election mantra for politicos may well be "It's homosexuality, stupid," as Democratic candidates openly court the "gay" vote, and Republicans make quiet incursions into the traditionally Democratic territory -- all to the distress of conservative, pro-family groups.

One suspects their distress will only grow more acute over time, as a new Gallup poll suggests that supporting gay equality is no longer a losing issue. Among the findings:

"almost 9 out of 10 Americans agree that homosexuals should have equal rights in terms of job opportunities, although opinions on allowing homosexual couples to legally form civil unions, giving them some of the legal rights of married couples, are evenly divided."

Taking the 'Culture War' Home.

Tammy Bruce, an openly lesbian critic of politically correct feminism, has a column on the conservative (but NOT religious right) frontpagemagazine.com site explaining why supporters of limited government should oppose sodomy laws.

Making this argument to mainstream conservatives on their own terms is far more productive than the usual gay protests, which too often seem to consists of little more than chanting "bigot, bigot go away" in the gay left's echo chamber. A similar point is made by Carl Schmid, a former head of DC's Log Cabin chapter, who writes in the Washington Blade:

America is still being educated about gays, and the battle over our equal rights and responsibilities is basically being fought in the Republican Party. This makes sense since the more conservative voters are in the Republican Party.

Given where the remaining minds that need to be convinced are, isn't it incumbent upon all gay and lesbian advocacy organizations, both at the national and local level, to focus more of their attention on conservative-leaning voters and their elected officials?

Since the White House and Congress are controlled by Republicans, and likely will be in at least the near future, there is even more of a reason for the gay rights movement to change its course of action and focus more on Republican voters and officials.

That means our advocacy groups need more Republican voices, both gay and straight; they need more Republican leaders within their ranks; they need to make Republicans feel welcome into their organizations; they need to speak the language and style of Republicans; they need to spend less time in the offices of their friends and more with Republican elected officials, Republican voters in swing districts and conservative media outlets; and they need to learn to criticize in a constructive manner and praise when appropriate.

Well said! The Blade, by the way, also deserves credit this week for covering the attacks by religious rightists on the Bush administration over its outreach to gays -- an invisible story in most of the media. The report is titled Racicot's HRC meeting outrages "pro-family" groups.
--Stephen H. Miller

Fundies Fuming.

The religious rightists have caught on to the meeting last week between administration officials and Log Cabin Republicans, and they're hopping mad. Here's a posting from the anti-gay Family Research Council's website:

Despite repeated assurances, both public and private, that the party has no intention of abandoning its commitment to the sanctity of marriage and the family, the White House and the GOP continue to court radical homosexual groups that agitate for policies that would destroy both of these indispensable social institutions. ... This incessant pandering to the homosexual lobby is deeply troubling.

Again, it's amazing that the gay and mainstream media are ignoring the fulminations of the religious right over the administration's tepid outreach efforts.
--Stephen H. Miller

More on Deroy.

It's interesting that Deroy Murdock's column criticizing sodomy laws, which I first referred to on May 11 (below), has now been printed in the Sunday New York Post and today on National Review Online. That's really taking the argument to the conservatives!
--Stephen H. Miller

That Old ‘Slippery Slope’.

Deroy Murdock, a libertarian-minded syndicated columnist, takes a look at the arguments used to defend sodomy laws in Freedom and Sex. This is one of the few critiques of the conservative "slippery slope" theory that goes out on a limb and describes the libertarian viewpoint:

Should laws against adult homosexuality, adultery and incest potentially place taxpaying Americans over 18 behind bars for such behavior? Priests, ministers, rabbis and other moral leaders may decry these activities. But no matter how much people may frown upon these sexual appetites, consenting American adults should not face incarceration for yielding to such temptations.

Well, that's one way to respond to conservatives who believe if you get rid of sodomy laws you won't have a legal principle left to outlaw incest between consenting adults. But of course, the conservatives have always obscured the fact that abuse of minor children, whether theoretically "consensual" or not, could and would remain illegal despite any Supreme Court ruling regarding the privacy rights of adults exercising free choice in their own bedrooms.

More Balancing by Bushies.

The New York Times reports that White House aides conferred with 200 gay Republicans in D.C. for the annual Log Cabin Republican convention and associated lobbying push:

Among the White House officials briefing the Log Cabin Republicans today was Dr. Joe O'Neill, the administration's AIDS czar, who is openly gay. Bobby Bottoms, a Log Cabin Republican from San Diego, said he was struck by photographs in Dr. O'Neill's office, taken during the White House Christmas party, of Dr. O'Neill and his partner with the president and Laura Bush.

Mr. Bottoms said Dr. O'Neill told the group that the White House was "the most wonderful working environment that he had ever worked in."

"He spoke from the heart and you could tell in his tone, and in his words," Mr. Bottoms said, "he was very passionate that there was absolutely no issue with him and his sexuality."

(I'll refrain from any pun about "Mr. Bottoms," who has probably heard them all.)

Even if overstated by GOP loyalists, this is a BIG change from earlier Republican administrations, and a far cry from what liberals predicted. But of course meeting with gays is just one half of the balancing act. The chairman of the Republican National Committee, former Montana Governor Mark Racicot, recently met with a group of anti-gay conservatives who are enraged over an earlier Racicot get-together with the leadership of the Human Rights Campaign (HRC), the big Washington-based gay rights lobby.

An account of Racicot's one-hour meeting with the anti-gay activists by one of the attendees, arch-conservative Paul M. Weyrich, is posted on the Free Congress Foundation's Web site under the title A Fatal Flirtation: The GOP and the Homosexual Movement). Writes Weyrich:

In many different ways the [conservative activists] group stressed that if the Republican Party drifts toward the homosexual agenda, it will alienate the millions in the religious right while gaining very few from the homosexual community. "

Chairman Racicot defended his meeting with the Human Rights Campaign by saying "I meet with anyone and everyone." Gary Bauer said that certainly was not true because surely he would not meet with the Ku Klux Klan. Rev. Wildmon asked if he would meet with NAMBLA (The North American Man Boy Love Association). The chairman was not familiar with this group, which advocates sex between men and young boys. The chairman said he would not meet with such an "aberrant" group. He was also asked about GLSEN, the group that is pushing pro-homosexual and pro-transgender education programs in the schools, including elementary schools. Again, the chairman professed ignorance.

This couldn't have been a fun meeting for Racicot, who has good relations with the Log Cabiners. And it remains to be seen if the White House can continue to reach out to gays, however tepidly, without making the religious right even nuttier.

Recent Postings

05/04/03 - 05/10/03

Taking It to Conservatives

Originally published May 9, 2003, in The Washington Blade .

ON APRIL 19, the day before the notorious AP interview with Senator Rick Santorum, R-Pa., appeared, the Salt Lake Tribune ran an AP story featuring Senator Orrin Hatch, R-Utah, talking about polygamy.

At a town meeting Hatch attended in southern Utah, the director of an anti-polygamy group said that teenage girls in nearby Hildale were forced into plural marriages, and he asked how children could be raped and nothing was done about it. Hatch replied that of course children should not be raped, but said, "I wouldn't throw accusations around unless you know they're true." He went on, "I'm not here to justify polygamy. All I can say is, I know people in Hildale who are polygamists who are very fine people."

As the Church Lady would say, isn't that special? His disavowal notwithstanding, Hatch sounded more concerned about the rights of polygamists than about the plight of child brides. My point is not to call the senator soft on child rape, but to observe that politicians are influenced not just by religious beliefs (the elders of Hatch's Mormon faith renounced polygamy more than a century ago), but by calculations about voters. Senator Hatch has a lot of polygamists for constituents.

With the initial outrage and jokes on Santorum having run their course (Jay Leno, noting that the senator has a problem with gay sex, said, "Maybe he's just not doing it right"), those of us who wish to defend our privacy rights need to make political calculations of our own.

A few weeks before the 1993 gay march on Washington, Congressman Barney Frank, D-Mass., warned that gay cultural advances do not automatically translate into success at the ballot box. Referring to the upcoming march, he said that having a big party on the Mall is fine, but it would be more effective for gays to spend the price of first-class postage to mail letters to their senators and representatives.

Santorum's "love the sinner, hate the sin" stance - he has nothing against us, he just thinks we should be arrested if we act on our feelings - remains hard to dismiss in the Republican party because that party has a large, well-motivated constituency that agrees with him. As Andrew Sullivan observes, "It's not that far from saying that you have nothing against Jews, as long as they go to Church each Sunday. (Which was, of course, the Catholic position for a very long time.)"

When Senator Trent Lott, R-Miss., lamented the 1948 loss of Strom Thurmond's racist presidential campaign, and when Congressman Jim Moran, D-Va., blamed Jews for the war in Iraq, both men lost their respective leadership positions because of respect for black and Jewish citizens. Gays have made great strides politically, but we are well short of the goal of making homophobia political poison. In the last election, candidates from both major parties used anti-gay tactics against their opponents.

Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist, R-Tenn., and White House spokesman Ari Fleischer have publicly defended Santorum, not for their stated reasons but because scapegoating gays is still largely accepted in the GOP. Alas, moderate Republicans like Senators Olympia Snowe, R-Maine, and Lincoln Chafee, R-R.I., who repudiated Santorum's remarks, are rare outside New England. Republican leaders may be out of step with the moderate voters they need to win elections, but this must be proven on election day.

With all due respect to my fellow Democrats, who in general have been much more welcoming to gays, the answer is not simply partisan. Persuading and motivating voters is easier when you appeal to, rather than attack, their own values. Santorum's coercive worldview violates conservative principles of smaller government. Crusading to impose one's religious beliefs on others is distracting and spiritually corrupting. A governing majority for gay rights can best be achieved by making the conservative case for respecting gay families and not just the liberal one.

Democrats can try advancing gay equality by embracing traditional values such as "Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness" and respecting rather than scorning Middle America. Republicans, including my friends in Log Cabin who are fighting for the soul of their party, need to convince more candidates and local party organizations that catering to the fanaticism of the far right will cost them more votes in the long run than it will gain them.

In Pennsylvania as elsewhere, this means working locally and statewide to promote winning alternatives to the likes of Rick Santorum. The other side is working too.

An Increasingly Inclusive America.

An interesting article by sociologist Alan Wolfe concludes that the American public is growing increasingly gay tolerant, as shown by majority opposition to sodomy laws and other positive indicators of growing support for gay acceptance. Wolfe observes in Are Republicans Making a Mistake Supporting Santorum? that:

by backing Santorum, President Bush and most other Republicans have apparently concluded that, as conservative activist Gary Bauer put it, Santorum's views reflected the American mainstream.

But I don't think that's quite right. The administration most likely was blindsided by Santorum's outburst, and when confronted with it tried to find a middle ground that wouldn't seem too intolerant but wouldn't alienate the religious conservatives, either. I read an online discussion arguing that when Bush supported Santorum as "an inclusive man" he intentionally was defending the principle of inclusion as a good thing for Republicans to uphold, while deliberately ignoring the substance of Santorum's remarks about homosexuality.

Whether that's too generous toward Bush or not, it's clear that social conservatives are still fuming over the lack of administration support for the anti-gay views Santorum expressed -- a fact that both the mainstream and the gay media have ignored.

By the way, a new poll shows 7 in 10 adult Americans support the U.S. Supreme Court overturning same-sex sodomy laws. In just a few weeks, we'll have a decision which, if positive, could provide a major boost toward equal treatment for gays under the law and get us well past the debate over whether gays should be legally persecuted. At least the Santorums of the world wouldn't be able to keep claiming they're only expressing agreement with nation's highest court (in its notorious Bowers ruling upholding, though unlike Santorum not advocating, state sodomy statutes).