There have been several attempts to expand federal hate-crime
statutes, both to incorporate sexual orientation as one of the
specified classes in the law and to increase federal involvement in
the investigation and prosecution of these types of crimes. Each
time the proposed bill has failed to pass.
The latest iteration of this legislation is the Local Law
Enforcement Hate Crimes Prevention Act of 2007, approved by the
U.S. House of Representatives on May 3 and now under consideration
by the Senate.
One might oppose this bill for the wrong reasons, motivated by
an animus against gay and lesbian Americans that refuses to
acknowledge them in the law.
One might also oppose this bill for the right reasons,
supporting the dignity of gay individuals but objecting on
constitutional, legal, and philosophical grounds.
Hate-crime laws at the federal level violate the constitutional
division of government by federalizing crimes that should be
handled by state authorities.
Legal scholar Timothy Lynch of the Cato Institute told members
of the House Judiciary Committee in April that the proposed law
expands federal authority in an unconstitutional manner. He cited
Chief Justice John Marshall, who observed that Congress had "no
general right to punish murder committed within any of the States"
and that it was "clear that Congress cannot punish felonies
generally." Over time, however, Congress asserted that the Commerce
Clause of the Constitution granted it the authority that Marshall
said did not exist. Regarding this development, Lynch
testified:
This Congress should not exacerbate the errors of past
Congresses by federalizing more criminal offenses. The Commerce
Clause is not a blank check for Congress to enact whatever
legislation it deems to be 'good and proper for America.' The
proposed hate-crimes bill is simply beyond the powers that are
delegated to Congress."
From a legal standpoint, such a federal law would be redundant,
at best.
One can understand if the call for hate-crime statutes comes
from evidence of bad enforcement of the laws already on the books.
We know that, in the past, police and prosecutors have been willing
to look the other way when victims came from disfavored groups.
But as senior editor Jacob Sullum of Reason magazine pointed out in
a recent
column, "Unlike the situation in the Jim Crow South, there is
no evidence that state and local officials are ignoring
bias-motivated crimes."
Indeed, as Lynch testified, "all of the violent acts that would
be prohibited under the proposed bill are already crimes under
state law." Referring to the murders of James Byrd in Texas and
Matthew Shepard in Wyoming, he added, "The individuals responsible
for those murders were quickly apprehended and prosecuted by state
and local authorities. Those incidents do not show the necessity
for congressional action; to the contrary, they show that federal
legislation is unnecessary."
Philosophically, passing this law would be wrong because
hate-crime laws, however well-intentioned, are feel-good statutes
whose primary result is punishing thought, violating our freedoms
of speech and of conscience.
Wayne Dynes, editor of the Encyclopedia of
Homosexuality, has noted that hate-crime laws, to be just,
must be content-neutral. Yet in judging individual cases, he said,
we would have to "get into the question of whether some hate" --
his example was that directed at an evil dictator -- "is
'justified' and some is not." He concluded that hate-crime
prosecutions "will be used to sanction certain belief systems --
systems which the enforcer would like, in some Orwellian fashion,
to make unthinkable. This is not a proper use of law."
Hateful thoughts may be repugnant to us, but they are not crimes
in themselves. And crimes that follow hateful thoughts -- whether
vandalism, assault, or murder -- are already punishable by existing
statutes.
Passing this bill would also be wrong because it suggests that
crimes against some people are worse than crimes against others.
Hate-crime laws set up certain privileged categories of people,
defined by the groups to which they belong, and offers them unequal
protection under the law.
Beyond this philosophical objection, however, federal hate-crime
laws -- those on the books now, those proposed -- are outside the
scope of the authority granted Congress by the Constitution. New
laws of this type should be rejected; older laws should be
repealed.