In Texas Monthly, libertarian pundit Virginia
Postrel writes of the residents of Plano, Texas, that:
These solidly conservative, mostly Christian families are not
about to launch a pogrom against their gay neighbors. "I have yet
to know somebody on finding out that an educator or volunteer was
gay in to say, 'Oh, gosh, I can't have them working with my
child,'" Kelly Hunter says. "I have known them to say that about
the mom who drinks before she goes some place." By the standards of
twenty years ago, and certainly by those of Peoria, Planoites are
positively accepting....
Plano residents aren't "wildly exercised about sodomy," notes a gay
friend who last year moved from Dallas to Los Angeles, "but most
anti-gay people aren't. They are wildly concerned with making sure
their kids never hear the word 'sodomy'; never ask, 'Mommy, what's
a drag queen?'; and never have to deal with anything even remotely
related to sex....
He exaggerates, of course. But Plano parents want to determine when
and where they talk to their kids about sex, and they assume that
explaining that some men fall in love with other men is "about
sex."
"We don't have control over a whole lot in the world, but hopefully
the education of our children is part of it," Hunter says.
Hat tip to Kausfiles,
wherein Mickey Kaus uses the above to snipe (again) at Andrew
Sullivan and argues:
Even in a highly Republican town like Plano, in other words, the
religious objection to gay marriage isn't the crucial objection.
Fear that moral entropy will envelop your family's children is the
crucial objection. I don't see how that fear is addressed
theologically. I would think it has to be addressed practically,
over time, by repeat demonstration. But time is one thing a
rights-oriented, judicial route to gay marriage doesn't allow.
And another hat tip to Instapundit
(Glenn Reynolds), who adds: "As I've said before, I support gay
marriage, but I think the move to accomplish gay marriage via
judicial action is politically unwise and likely to be
counterproductive."
These fears of "moral entropy" and even sexual anarchy may be
without merit, yet they're heartfelt and must be addressed, not
simply dismissed with disdain. That's why I generally concur that
the judicial strategy is misguided. In fact, it wouldn't seem like
such a bad idea if the Massachusetts legislature would follow the
procedure set forth (as argued
here) in that state's constitution and allow the voters to
weigh in on keeping gay marriage. A "pro" vote could do wonders to
actually advance the cause of marriage equality.
Update: A vote may, in fact, be
coming.
Perhaps a decade from now, when gay unions are accepted by a
nation that has witnessed that they strengthen rather than weaken
the moral norms that bind families and societies together, a future
Supreme Court will rule that the remaining state amendments that
deny gays the benefits of marriage (and especially those that ban
civil unions and other partnerships) are unconstitutional. And in
that future era, the reactionaries won't be able to mobilize an
effective backlash, for as with earlier civil rights movements they
will no longer have a majoirty of the folks in places like Plano on
their side.
More. B. Daniel Blatt (GayPatriotWest)
writes that gay activists have missed the boat by demanding
marriage equality in terms of rights denied, instead of (with few
exceptions, mainly linked to this site) making a positive case for
why marriage for gays is good in and of itself, for gay people and
for society. He encourages activists to "make clear to the world at
large that gay people who choose marriage are willing to live up to
the obligations of this ancient institution. And to our own
community, they need show the benefits that arise from meeting
those obligations."