Speaking Their Language. The Orange County
Register ran
this editorial making a libertarian argument for why the
Supreme Court should hold sodomy laws unconstitutional. The
editorial reads in part:
So sodomy laws are objectionable in a free society. But are they
forbidden by the U.S. Constitution? Roger Pilon, director of
constitutional studies at the Cato Institute, thinks so.
The first clause he cites is the 9th Amendment, which says in
its entirety: "The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain
rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained
by the people." That was included in the Bill of Rights to remind
us that just because the framers hadn't mentioned an individual
right didn't mean people didn't have it. In that reminder can be
found a right to privacy, to sexual freedom, or the more general
right of a free citizen to be left alone by government if he or she
is not harming another person.
Mr. Pilon also believes the 14th Amendment, which states in
part, "No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge
the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States,"
forbids laws that intrude into private bedrooms. "That clause was
meant to be the principal font of rights against the states, to
protect the freedom and personal integrity of the individual," he
told us. Justice Clarence Thomas has been especially interested in
the "privileges or immunities" clause as a guarantee of individual
liberty, and he could use it in this case to good effect.
Too often gay activists, who"ve come of age in the cocoon of
liberal-left culture, don't understand that conservatives and
libertarians not only don't view the world through the same lens as
liberals do, but neither speak nor respond to the same rhetorical
language as liberals. That may be one reason why when a sodomy-law
case last came before the Supreme Court, 16 years ago, gay
advocates failed to convince a conservative-leaning court that
repeal wouldn't be just one more example of liberal judicial
activism beyond the intent of the Constitution. Let's hope this
go-round the pro-repeal lawyers will be able to argue the case in a
way that can sway conservatives. It can be done, and Cato's Roger
Pilon is perhaps showing the way.
A British Example. The British newspaper
The
Guardian reports that Tony Blair's Labour government will
propose recognizing same-sex "civil partnerships" and granting
these the same rights given to married couples (though civil
partnerships would remain a separate category from "marriage").
Significantly, a leading Conservative Party figure says
Conservatives will support the plan:
The shadow home secretary, Oliver Letwin, indicated that the
Conservatives would support the measure when legislation was
introduced. "Whilst we attach a huge importance to the institution
of marriage we do recognise that gay couples suffer from some
serious particular grievances," he told BBC Radio 4's Today
programme. "If what the government is coming forward with is indeed
a set of practical steps to address a set of practical problems
that affect people, then we will welcome them."
And in America we"re still debating whether homosexuality should
remain a criminal act!
But What About the Transgendered? I do have one
pet peeve about the reporting of the above story by The Guardian.
It begins:
Gay men, lesbians and bisexual people are to be offered the same
rights as married couples, a government minister indicated
today".
But really, isn't including "bisexuals" a bit of a stretch? If
they"re in an opposite-sex relationships, they already have the
right to marry. If they"re in a committed same-sex partnership,
then it's a gay relationship. Referencing bisexuals in
this regard seems like politically correct sophistry.
The Race Card. IGF contributor Rick Rosendall
authored
a brave column (it ran in Boston's Bay Windows and elsewhere)
on racial guilt-mongering in the corridors of the gay left. Writes
Rick of a recent National Gay & Lesbian Task Force conclave,
which included sessions for people of color only:
The preferred mode of communication at Creating Change resembles
not conversation but emotional hostage taking. It is for the
designated victims to harangue, and for the rest to pander. Each
year the ritual starts all over again, as if for the first
time.
NGLTF's Sue Hyde responded with
a letter arguing that:
There are LGBT people of every color, ethnicity, class, age,
race, condition of birth and gender who are joining together to
make a stronger, more powerful and more fully representative
movement for social justice, equality and freedom. Some of the work
to build this movement will be accomplished when the voices of
women, young people, people of color, old people, transgender
people and intersex people can be heard more clearly, which
logically requires that they be given the space, the time and
respect to hear themselves first.
Listen, I don't doubt that the diversity-first crowd is sincere
in its ideological beliefs and actually thinks all of this is
somehow "progressive." But the ceaseless laundry-listing of
victimized subsets leads not to a unity of the many (which requires
a focus on commonality despite differences), but to seemingly
endless balkanization and a competition to see who can exhibit the
greatest wounds. This has never been healthy.
--Stephen H. Miller