First published January 15, 2003, in the Chicago Free
Press.
THE SUPREME COURT indicated late last year that it would hear
the case of "Lawrence and Garner v Texas" (hereafter "Lawrence"),
the appeal by two Texas men arrested, briefly jailed and fined for
violating a Texas law forbidding homosexual, but not heterosexual,
sodomy.
In granting the hearing, the court seemed to be signaling that
it was willing to reconsider its widely deplored 1986 "Bowers v
Hardwick" decision upholding Georgia's more comprehensive sodomy
law. Had the court wished to let Hardwick stand, it would simply
have refused to hear Lawrence and Garner's appeal.
Since it takes votes from at least four justices to grant a
hearing, that probably means at least four liberal justices
(perhaps Stevens, Souter, Ginsburg, Breyer) think Hardwick was
wrongly decided and are reasonably confident they can pick up one
or more centrist votes (Kennedy or O'Connor) to overturn it.
A less optimistic view: The justices are well aware that two,
possibly three of the oldest justices--including liberal John Paul
Stevens and centrist Sandra Day O'Connor--may resign during the
Bush presidency and are likely to be replaced by fairly
conservative judges. So the liberals may feel that even if their
chances of overturning Hardwick are far from certain, this term
will be the last chance for many years.
So, will the court overturn Hardwick? The court can do almost
anything the majority has a will to do and find ways to interpret
precedents to support the decision. So the question might be: Does
the court have a will to overturn Hardwick? But that may be the
wrong question. The right question may be: Does a majority have a
will to uphold Hardwick? It may not.
The Hardwick decision attracts little support. It has been
vigorously criticized by many conservative and libertarian as well
as liberal legal theorists. Harvard law professor Charles Fried,
solicitor general during part of the Reagan administration
(1985-89) wrote of Justice White's "stunningly harsh and dismissive
opinion."
University of Chicago libertarian law professor (and Chief Judge
of the 7th Circuit Court of Appeals) Richard Posner wrote that
there was "a gratuitousness, an egregiousness, a cruelty, and a
meanness" about the Georgia statute itself and argued its
unconstitutionality.
And it is well-known that Justice Powell himself, who first
voted to overturn Georgia's sodomy law then changed his mind and
voted to uphold it, four years later admitted publicly, "I think I
probably made a mistake in that one."
The Court hates to reverse earlier decisions, but it is fairly
willing to change its mind. Its preferred method is to make some
distinction between the older case and the newer one. With Lawrence
the materials are available. Hardwick was argued on sexual privacy
grounds. Since the Texas law applies only to gays, Lawrence can and
will be argued largely on equal protection grounds: Texas denies
gays as a class equal treatment under the law.
But more than that, the nation has changed since Hardwick. In
2003 we are now exactly as far beyond Hardwick as Hardwick was
beyond Stonewall. Since 1986 the nation's understanding and
acceptance of gays--and gay relationships--has greatly
increased.
By 2003, far more gays and lesbians are openly gay--two, three,
even four times as many as in 1986--and believe it is their moral
right to be so. As a result, hardly any reasonably alert person can
say, as the elderly Justice Powell claimed in 1986, that they have
never known a homosexual. (Powell had had more than a half-dozen
gay clerks but none was open with Powell.)
Nor are members of the court immune to a growing understanding
and acceptance of gays. Greater exposure to gays may not force the
justices to overturn Hardwick but it certainly can dilute the sort
of ignorance and hostility that underlay White's decision and
Burger's snide concurring opinion. And It may prompt justices to
look harder for ways to overturn Hardwick.
Nor, of course, can the justices afford to be completely
insensitive to shifts in public opinion if they are to retain
respect for the Court and its decisions.
In 2003, the great majority of U.S. adults think sodomy laws
should be abolished. While White's decision could note with
satisfaction that sodomy laws were part of the American tradition
and 24 states retained them in 1986, by 2003, only 13 states have
sodomy laws. So sodomy laws are a rapidly waning part of the
American tradition.
It is not without significance that in 1986 fears about AIDS had
boosted support for sodomy laws to its highest point since the
mid-1970s. But as AIDS became better understood and treatments
became available, support for sodomy laws plummeted. In 1986, 53
percent of college freshmen favored sodomy laws, but by 2001
support fell to less than one-fourth (24.9).
Hardwick was widely viewed unfavorably in 1986. If the court
rules similarly in 2003, the hostile reaction will be far more
intense, widespread and sustained. It is hard to believe the Court
would issue a decision that would find favor only among
droolers.