Winning the ‘Culture Wars.’

Here's the Christian right's view of the 2004 presidential election, via their worldnetdaily website, which laments:

The 2004 election mantra for politicos may well be "It's homosexuality, stupid," as Democratic candidates openly court the "gay" vote, and Republicans make quiet incursions into the traditionally Democratic territory -- all to the distress of conservative, pro-family groups.

One suspects their distress will only grow more acute over time, as a new Gallup poll suggests that supporting gay equality is no longer a losing issue. Among the findings:

"almost 9 out of 10 Americans agree that homosexuals should have equal rights in terms of job opportunities, although opinions on allowing homosexual couples to legally form civil unions, giving them some of the legal rights of married couples, are evenly divided."

Taking the 'Culture War' Home.

Tammy Bruce, an openly lesbian critic of politically correct feminism, has a column on the conservative (but NOT religious right) frontpagemagazine.com site explaining why supporters of limited government should oppose sodomy laws.

Making this argument to mainstream conservatives on their own terms is far more productive than the usual gay protests, which too often seem to consists of little more than chanting "bigot, bigot go away" in the gay left's echo chamber. A similar point is made by Carl Schmid, a former head of DC's Log Cabin chapter, who writes in the Washington Blade:

America is still being educated about gays, and the battle over our equal rights and responsibilities is basically being fought in the Republican Party. This makes sense since the more conservative voters are in the Republican Party.

Given where the remaining minds that need to be convinced are, isn't it incumbent upon all gay and lesbian advocacy organizations, both at the national and local level, to focus more of their attention on conservative-leaning voters and their elected officials?

Since the White House and Congress are controlled by Republicans, and likely will be in at least the near future, there is even more of a reason for the gay rights movement to change its course of action and focus more on Republican voters and officials.

That means our advocacy groups need more Republican voices, both gay and straight; they need more Republican leaders within their ranks; they need to make Republicans feel welcome into their organizations; they need to speak the language and style of Republicans; they need to spend less time in the offices of their friends and more with Republican elected officials, Republican voters in swing districts and conservative media outlets; and they need to learn to criticize in a constructive manner and praise when appropriate.

Well said! The Blade, by the way, also deserves credit this week for covering the attacks by religious rightists on the Bush administration over its outreach to gays -- an invisible story in most of the media. The report is titled Racicot's HRC meeting outrages "pro-family" groups.
--Stephen H. Miller

Fundies Fuming.

The religious rightists have caught on to the meeting last week between administration officials and Log Cabin Republicans, and they're hopping mad. Here's a posting from the anti-gay Family Research Council's website:

Despite repeated assurances, both public and private, that the party has no intention of abandoning its commitment to the sanctity of marriage and the family, the White House and the GOP continue to court radical homosexual groups that agitate for policies that would destroy both of these indispensable social institutions. ... This incessant pandering to the homosexual lobby is deeply troubling.

Again, it's amazing that the gay and mainstream media are ignoring the fulminations of the religious right over the administration's tepid outreach efforts.
--Stephen H. Miller

More on Deroy.

It's interesting that Deroy Murdock's column criticizing sodomy laws, which I first referred to on May 11 (below), has now been printed in the Sunday New York Post and today on National Review Online. That's really taking the argument to the conservatives!
--Stephen H. Miller

That Old ‘Slippery Slope’.

Deroy Murdock, a libertarian-minded syndicated columnist, takes a look at the arguments used to defend sodomy laws in Freedom and Sex. This is one of the few critiques of the conservative "slippery slope" theory that goes out on a limb and describes the libertarian viewpoint:

Should laws against adult homosexuality, adultery and incest potentially place taxpaying Americans over 18 behind bars for such behavior? Priests, ministers, rabbis and other moral leaders may decry these activities. But no matter how much people may frown upon these sexual appetites, consenting American adults should not face incarceration for yielding to such temptations.

Well, that's one way to respond to conservatives who believe if you get rid of sodomy laws you won't have a legal principle left to outlaw incest between consenting adults. But of course, the conservatives have always obscured the fact that abuse of minor children, whether theoretically "consensual" or not, could and would remain illegal despite any Supreme Court ruling regarding the privacy rights of adults exercising free choice in their own bedrooms.

More Balancing by Bushies.

The New York Times reports that White House aides conferred with 200 gay Republicans in D.C. for the annual Log Cabin Republican convention and associated lobbying push:

Among the White House officials briefing the Log Cabin Republicans today was Dr. Joe O'Neill, the administration's AIDS czar, who is openly gay. Bobby Bottoms, a Log Cabin Republican from San Diego, said he was struck by photographs in Dr. O'Neill's office, taken during the White House Christmas party, of Dr. O'Neill and his partner with the president and Laura Bush.

Mr. Bottoms said Dr. O'Neill told the group that the White House was "the most wonderful working environment that he had ever worked in."

"He spoke from the heart and you could tell in his tone, and in his words," Mr. Bottoms said, "he was very passionate that there was absolutely no issue with him and his sexuality."

(I'll refrain from any pun about "Mr. Bottoms," who has probably heard them all.)

Even if overstated by GOP loyalists, this is a BIG change from earlier Republican administrations, and a far cry from what liberals predicted. But of course meeting with gays is just one half of the balancing act. The chairman of the Republican National Committee, former Montana Governor Mark Racicot, recently met with a group of anti-gay conservatives who are enraged over an earlier Racicot get-together with the leadership of the Human Rights Campaign (HRC), the big Washington-based gay rights lobby.

An account of Racicot's one-hour meeting with the anti-gay activists by one of the attendees, arch-conservative Paul M. Weyrich, is posted on the Free Congress Foundation's Web site under the title A Fatal Flirtation: The GOP and the Homosexual Movement). Writes Weyrich:

In many different ways the [conservative activists] group stressed that if the Republican Party drifts toward the homosexual agenda, it will alienate the millions in the religious right while gaining very few from the homosexual community. "

Chairman Racicot defended his meeting with the Human Rights Campaign by saying "I meet with anyone and everyone." Gary Bauer said that certainly was not true because surely he would not meet with the Ku Klux Klan. Rev. Wildmon asked if he would meet with NAMBLA (The North American Man Boy Love Association). The chairman was not familiar with this group, which advocates sex between men and young boys. The chairman said he would not meet with such an "aberrant" group. He was also asked about GLSEN, the group that is pushing pro-homosexual and pro-transgender education programs in the schools, including elementary schools. Again, the chairman professed ignorance.

This couldn't have been a fun meeting for Racicot, who has good relations with the Log Cabiners. And it remains to be seen if the White House can continue to reach out to gays, however tepidly, without making the religious right even nuttier.

Recent Postings

05/04/03 - 05/10/03

Taking It to Conservatives

Originally published May 9, 2003, in The Washington Blade .

ON APRIL 19, the day before the notorious AP interview with Senator Rick Santorum, R-Pa., appeared, the Salt Lake Tribune ran an AP story featuring Senator Orrin Hatch, R-Utah, talking about polygamy.

At a town meeting Hatch attended in southern Utah, the director of an anti-polygamy group said that teenage girls in nearby Hildale were forced into plural marriages, and he asked how children could be raped and nothing was done about it. Hatch replied that of course children should not be raped, but said, "I wouldn't throw accusations around unless you know they're true." He went on, "I'm not here to justify polygamy. All I can say is, I know people in Hildale who are polygamists who are very fine people."

As the Church Lady would say, isn't that special? His disavowal notwithstanding, Hatch sounded more concerned about the rights of polygamists than about the plight of child brides. My point is not to call the senator soft on child rape, but to observe that politicians are influenced not just by religious beliefs (the elders of Hatch's Mormon faith renounced polygamy more than a century ago), but by calculations about voters. Senator Hatch has a lot of polygamists for constituents.

With the initial outrage and jokes on Santorum having run their course (Jay Leno, noting that the senator has a problem with gay sex, said, "Maybe he's just not doing it right"), those of us who wish to defend our privacy rights need to make political calculations of our own.

A few weeks before the 1993 gay march on Washington, Congressman Barney Frank, D-Mass., warned that gay cultural advances do not automatically translate into success at the ballot box. Referring to the upcoming march, he said that having a big party on the Mall is fine, but it would be more effective for gays to spend the price of first-class postage to mail letters to their senators and representatives.

Santorum's "love the sinner, hate the sin" stance - he has nothing against us, he just thinks we should be arrested if we act on our feelings - remains hard to dismiss in the Republican party because that party has a large, well-motivated constituency that agrees with him. As Andrew Sullivan observes, "It's not that far from saying that you have nothing against Jews, as long as they go to Church each Sunday. (Which was, of course, the Catholic position for a very long time.)"

When Senator Trent Lott, R-Miss., lamented the 1948 loss of Strom Thurmond's racist presidential campaign, and when Congressman Jim Moran, D-Va., blamed Jews for the war in Iraq, both men lost their respective leadership positions because of respect for black and Jewish citizens. Gays have made great strides politically, but we are well short of the goal of making homophobia political poison. In the last election, candidates from both major parties used anti-gay tactics against their opponents.

Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist, R-Tenn., and White House spokesman Ari Fleischer have publicly defended Santorum, not for their stated reasons but because scapegoating gays is still largely accepted in the GOP. Alas, moderate Republicans like Senators Olympia Snowe, R-Maine, and Lincoln Chafee, R-R.I., who repudiated Santorum's remarks, are rare outside New England. Republican leaders may be out of step with the moderate voters they need to win elections, but this must be proven on election day.

With all due respect to my fellow Democrats, who in general have been much more welcoming to gays, the answer is not simply partisan. Persuading and motivating voters is easier when you appeal to, rather than attack, their own values. Santorum's coercive worldview violates conservative principles of smaller government. Crusading to impose one's religious beliefs on others is distracting and spiritually corrupting. A governing majority for gay rights can best be achieved by making the conservative case for respecting gay families and not just the liberal one.

Democrats can try advancing gay equality by embracing traditional values such as "Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness" and respecting rather than scorning Middle America. Republicans, including my friends in Log Cabin who are fighting for the soul of their party, need to convince more candidates and local party organizations that catering to the fanaticism of the far right will cost them more votes in the long run than it will gain them.

In Pennsylvania as elsewhere, this means working locally and statewide to promote winning alternatives to the likes of Rick Santorum. The other side is working too.

An Increasingly Inclusive America.

An interesting article by sociologist Alan Wolfe concludes that the American public is growing increasingly gay tolerant, as shown by majority opposition to sodomy laws and other positive indicators of growing support for gay acceptance. Wolfe observes in Are Republicans Making a Mistake Supporting Santorum? that:

by backing Santorum, President Bush and most other Republicans have apparently concluded that, as conservative activist Gary Bauer put it, Santorum's views reflected the American mainstream.

But I don't think that's quite right. The administration most likely was blindsided by Santorum's outburst, and when confronted with it tried to find a middle ground that wouldn't seem too intolerant but wouldn't alienate the religious conservatives, either. I read an online discussion arguing that when Bush supported Santorum as "an inclusive man" he intentionally was defending the principle of inclusion as a good thing for Republicans to uphold, while deliberately ignoring the substance of Santorum's remarks about homosexuality.

Whether that's too generous toward Bush or not, it's clear that social conservatives are still fuming over the lack of administration support for the anti-gay views Santorum expressed -- a fact that both the mainstream and the gay media have ignored.

By the way, a new poll shows 7 in 10 adult Americans support the U.S. Supreme Court overturning same-sex sodomy laws. In just a few weeks, we'll have a decision which, if positive, could provide a major boost toward equal treatment for gays under the law and get us well past the debate over whether gays should be legally persecuted. At least the Santorums of the world wouldn't be able to keep claiming they're only expressing agreement with nation's highest court (in its notorious Bowers ruling upholding, though unlike Santorum not advocating, state sodomy statutes).

Mr. Virtue.

Sorry, but I've been busy and haven't had a chance to weigh in on the Bill Bennett brouhaha. But here are two pieces worth checking out. Michael Kinsley's Washington Post op-ed, Bad Bet By Bill Bennett, makes a strong case that, yes, the conservative virtue maven and compulsive gambler is guilty of hypocrisy. Of Bennett's defense that his gambling never hurt anyone else, Kinsley writes:

Bennett can't plead liberty now, because opposing libertarianism is what his sundry crusades are all about. He wants to put marijuana smokers in jail. He wants to make it harder to get divorced. He wants more "moral criticism of homosexuality" and "declining to accept that what they do is right."

And IGF's Walter Olson wrote a column for Slate a few years back, William Bennett, Gays, and the Truth, that took Bennett to task over his promotion of a claim that "homosexuality takes 30 years off your life." How many years is it for playing of the slots?

Let me say that I think we do need to promote "virtue" and values, especially among the young. But we've let the social conservatives mix civics with their own brand of prejudice for far too long - which has only served to give self-discipline a bad rap.
-Stephen H.Miller

A ‘Brave New World’ Indeed.

Could biotechnology allow two gay men to make a baby? That question was explored recently, and not by the National Enquirer. No, it was a legit story in the Washington Post, which reports:

If the science holds true in humans as in mice -- and several scientists said they suspect it will -- then a gay male couple might, before long, be able to produce children through sexual reproduction, with one man contributing sperm and the other fresh eggs bearing his own genes.

That scenario raises difficult questions, including whether the second man would be recognized as the child's biological mother.

Frankly, I'm not sure what to make of this. But it does point out that the near future could be a very different world than the one we now inhabit. If gay couples can produce their own biological offspring together, would that hasten the full acceptance of gays into the fabric of society, or provoke a backlash over tampering with the heretofore immutable laws of nature? And if genetic engineering advances still further, will "designer babies" that are engineered to be an improvement on the traditional model be welcome or rejected as dangerous mutants (shades of X-Men!). There are no answers, but sometimes it's worth stepping back from the squabbles of today and thinking about the questions that are waiting for us tomorrow.
--Stephen H. Miller

Recent Postings

05/04/03 - 05/10/03

Nostalgia for Goldwater.

Much of the media rehashing of the Rick Santorum controversy hasn't added much that's new. But Hendrik Hertzberg's piece in The New Yorker, Man Bites Dog, is very fine indeed. One astute observation among many:

Santorum believes that while individuals have no "right to consensual sex within the home" the state does have "rights to limit individuals' wants and passions," which is to say their feelings. --

It's probably unfair to parse Santorum's pronouncements as if they were products of ratiocination. No wonder, though, that liberal Democrats, moderate Republicans, and other non-hard-right types are increasingly nostalgic for the likes of Ronald Reagan (who delivered a forceful but unfortunately not fatal blow to Republican homophobia when he opposed a referendum that would have barred homosexuals from teaching in California's public schools) and Barry Goldwater (whose suspicion of Big Government did not include an opt-out provision for bedrooms).

Ultimately, Santorum will be seen as a throwback to authoritarian and statist conservatism, and the truly progressive, liberty-advancing strain of the movement will win out. The reason: at their best, traditional democratic liberalism (as opposed to welfare-state liberalism), small-government conservatism, and libertarianism inspire with the poetry of greater personal freedom coupled with respect for the rights of others. Santorum and his friends' appeal is premised on little more than fear. They're dinosaurs, and I suspect that even they know it.
--Stephen H. Miller

The Inclusive Santorum

By now you've no doubt heard the flap about Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania, who, in response to a question about whether homosexual persons should remain celibate, stated that "if the Supreme Court says that you have the right to consensual sex within your home, then you have the right to bigamy, you have the right to polygamy, you have the right to incest, you have the right to adultery. You have the right to anything."

The slippery-slope argument linking homosexuality with polygamy has become a familiar rhetorical move in antigay rhetoric. Unfortunately, its use is not limited to those (like Santorum) whose mouths clearly move faster than their minds: there are a number of smart, thoughtful people who believe that the case for one lends support to the case for the other, and not all of these people are anti-gay.

But Santorum's version seems to go further than most. And it's not just because he extends the list from polygamy to incest, adultery, indeed, to "anything." It's because the thing that initiates Santorum's parade of horribles is not "homosexual sex" but simply "consensual sex." According to Santorum, if the Supreme Court says you have "the right to consensual sex within your home ... you have the right to anything."

Okay, so not everyone speaks in final draft. Maybe the "you" here refers to "you homosexuals." Or maybe Santorum thinks no one has a Constitutional right to consensual sex, and thus that laws limiting such activity are all Constitutional (which is not the same as saying that they're wise or justified).

Attention to the full text of the interview, as well as to follow-up interviews, suggests that Santorum didn't really know quite what he was saying, jumbling together some defensible constitutional concerns with radical views on privacy rights and a clear antipathy toward all things gay.

Santorum went on to argue that polygamy, adultery, sodomy, "all of those things, are antithetical to a healthy, stable, traditional family." In his view, the state's failure to regulate people's sex lives - even when they are consensual and private - "destroys the basic unit of our society."

Santorum is the third-ranking Republican in the Senate, so you might think the president would be a bit concerned about the image he's creating for the party. And Bush, finally, has weighed in. The "compassionate conservative," the man who so ardently defends freedom from oppressive religious regimes (but only where oil is involved), has come out in support of Santorum, calling him "an inclusive man."

Excuse me?

And then I thought about it for a while, and realized that the president is right.

Recall that Santorum claims that right to consensual sodomy entails not just the right to polygamy but indeed, to anything. Anything. Rape. Tax fraud. Mass murder. You name it. That's pretty damn inclusive.

Or consider Santorum's position on gay marriage: "In every society, the definition of marriage has not ever to my knowledge included homosexuality. That's not to pick on homosexuality. It's not, you know, man on child, man on dog, or whatever the case may be."

So, according to Santorum, gays' interest in securing marriage rights for their consensual adult relationships is not merely akin to polygamists' doing the same. It's also akin to "man on child" or "man on dog." That's pretty damn inclusive too.

(Although if he were really inclusive, he would have included "dog on man" as well. Why should the man always get to be on top?)

Santorum's "man on dog" comment was so surprising, it prompted the reporter to interrupt, "I'm sorry, I didn't think I was going to talk about 'man on dog' with a United States senator; it's sort of freaking me out." Santorum's reply scaled new heights of inclusiveness: "And that's sort of where we are in today's world, unfortunately. The idea is that the state doesn't have rights to limit individuals' wants and passions. I disagree with that. I think we absolutely have rights because there are consequences to letting people live out whatever wants or passions they desire."

So Santorum thinks that the state needs to limit not just harmful behaviors, but "individuals' wants and passions." Lest you think this was a verbal slip, he repeated it again in response to the next question: "I've been very clear about that. The right to privacy is a right that was created in a law that set forth a (ban on) rights to limit individual passions. And I don't agree with that."

(If this is being clear, I'd hate to see what he's like when he's being muddled.) What is clear is that Santorum thinks that your bedroom should be included among the places the state belongs.

If this is inclusiveness, count me out.