The Way Things Were.

Blogger Geitner Simmons has an interesting post about the ferocity with which some in Congress tried to expel gays from federal employment in the 1950s. Now that the Bush White House has reaffirmed a policy forbidding the firing of federal workers because of their sexual orientation -- after the administration's rightwing appointee to head the Office of Special Counsel tried to reverse course -- it's worth noting how far we've progressed, even with occasional flaps.

Simmons writes of how, under an executive order signed by Harry Truman in 1947, "the federal government could fire known or suspected subversives, habitual drunkards, homosexuals, and others susceptible to blackmail." Under pressure from Nebraska Sen. Kenneth Wherry, "a staunchly conservative Republican first elected in 1942," and like-minded allies, "an estimated seven to ten thousand real or suspected homosexuals -- Democrat and Republican -- lost their jobs during the 1950s."

The posting also cites the real-life Senate blackmail/suicide case on which novelist Allen Drury modeled the characters in his best-selling Advise and Consent.

Despite setbacks here and there, this is no longer the world in which we live, thankfully.
--Stephen H. Miller

Michelangelo’s Hunks

First published on April 7, 2004, in the Chicago Free Press.

Few artists before the present era have left so clear a record of their homosexuality as Michelangelo.

The great 16th century Italian sculptor, painter and poet - styled "Il Divino" by his contemporaries - is best known to us now for a famous Pieta, his 15-foot statue of David, and frescoes in Rome's Sistine Chapel depicting scenes from Genesis and "The Last Judgment."

We could even describe the statue of the naked David with its curiously large hands, and the chapel's "Creation of Adam" with its languorous Adam reaching out toward God, as "Michelangelo's Greatest Hits."

The best place to start, though, is an early (1503-4) painting of Mary, Joseph and the infant Jesus. While the holy family are at the center, in the background are five young men, four of them naked, obviously more interested in one another than in the holy family. One seems to be trying to pull the cloak off the youth still wearing one. They serve no obvious purpose in the painting and seem to be there because Michelangelo wanted them there.

Mary gazes up soulfully at Jesus' face but reaches out toward his genitals. It was common in Renaissance paintings to emphasize the infant Jesus' genitals by pointing to them or placing them at the center of a painting in order to assert Jesus' full humanity - and maleness - but here Mary seems about to grasp them. It was not Michelangelo's last depiction of female attention to male genitalia.

The enormous frescoes on the Sistine Chapel ceiling (1508-12) depict scenes from the Old Testament. But between the paintings at junctures in the ceiling are some 20 well-muscled naked young men, each carefully individuated. They play no role in the biblical scenes and seem off in their own worlds - bored, scowling, joking or gesturing playfully - although one man noticing the Creation of Adam seems surprised and one glancing back at the Flood behind him looks alarmed.

The Temptation scene is particularly interesting not only for its hunky, mature Adam and decidedly female serpent, but because Eve is placed sitting in front of a standing, naked Adam, her face inches away from his crotch, just turning away momentarily to take the fruit from the serpent as if she had been interrupted while doing something else.

Two decades later, Michelangelo returned to the Sistine Chapel to paint "The Last Judgment" above the altar. There are an enormous number of characters surrounding a quite healthy and heavily muscled Jesus. The saved, the condemned and various demons all have physiques that would do credit to the best of today's steroid-enhanced bodybuilders.

Here the risen St. Sebastian is no willowy, agonized martyr but an extremely handsome, well-muscled youth holding in his hand the arrows that killed him. Here too St. Catherine looks over her shoulder toward the crotch of an originally naked St. Blasius, one of several elements that contemporaries found obscene and "fit for a bordello." Two male figures hugging each other toward the upper right remain unidentified.

Michelangelo never married and was never linked romantically with any woman. To the contrary, his poems and letters contain expressions of fervent affection for young men such as Cecchino de Bracci, Febo di Poggio and especially the young nobleman Tommaso Cavalieri.

The one woman Michelangelo befriended - after he was 60 - was the widow Vittoria Colona, something of a spiritual friend, and no one will be surprised to read that she had a "severe, masculine face." In one of his poems, Michelangelo described her as "a man in a woman."

Without doubt, the great love of his life was the vibrantly handsome Tommaso Cavalieri, whom he met in 1532 when he was 57 and Tommaso 23. Michelangelo wrote love letters and ardent love poems to him and in 1533 sent him a series of erotic drawings, the most famous of which depicts Zeus disguised as an eagle abducting a young Ganymede. In Michelangelo's drawing, the eagle presses its body tightly against the back of the smiling, pliant Ganymede.

Michelangelo's poems to Cavalieri were extravagant. "Your name nourishes my heart and soul filing each with such sweetness ... If my eyes had their share of you, only think how happy I would be." In another he wishes his hairy skin to be made into a breastplate for Tommaso and "Were I two slippers he could own and use as base to his majestic weight, I would enjoy two snowy feet at least."

Michelangelo was born out of his time. He would have been far happier in fifth century Athens. But he must have felt that if the Greeks could portray their gods and heroes as handsome musclemen, Christianity could too. He did not completely persuade his contemporaries, nor ours, but it is a tribute to his art that he came so close.

When the Personal Is Political.

The longish, wistful feature from the Washington Post, "Inventing a Marriage -- and a Divorce" looks at what lead one gay couple to join together in what they termed a "holy union" -- in 1976.

It was the spiritual, not the legal, side of marriage that was important to them, [Wayne] Schwandt recalled more than 25 years later. They wanted the blessing of the church and hardly thought about the state. "I was naive," Schwandt said. "I would not have understood what the 'legal protections of the law' would have meant.'"

Their union had no legal standing, but they hyphenated their names. "We were crazy," [James] Fortunato said. "It doesn't even fit on a credit card." He recalled trying to reason with irate Department of Motor Vehicles workers to change his name on his driver's license.

Sadly, like half of all marriages, their union didn't last the test of time, in part because it turned into a media circus. But one went on to a new, 20-year (and still counting) relationship that included a private exchange of rings at a church altar. Just a look at common lives being lived in uncommon times.

Is the U.S. Military “the Enemy”?

"The U.S. House of Representatives voted [last week] in favor of a bill supporting military recruitment on college campuses, prompting gay rights groups to vow to fight the bill when it moves to the Senate." That's the lead paragraph to this news story, and I can't think of a worse -- or better -- example of liberal activist myopia, and why such activists are held in disdain by so many Americans.

Yes, "don't ask, don't tell" is a terrible policy and we should lobby hard to revoke it, so that gays can serve openly in a military that holds all servicemembers to the same rules of on-duty decorum. But trying to stymie recruitment to the armed forces, while America is fighting a war on terrorism, makes me apoplectic. Do these activists really think a weaker military is the answer to discrimination? Sadly, the answer is probably yes.

And then there's the issue of recruitment bans on elite campuses themselves, which suggest that military service is best left to the less educated, non-latte drinking classes.

(IGF contributing author James Kirchick had more to say about campus recruitment bans in this column from the Yale Daily News.)

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3/28/04 - 4/03/04

How Far Is Too Far?

Perhaps fearing that its pandering to the religious conservatives' anti-gay agenda has gone too far (or been perceived as such), the White House declared this week that gay federal employees should not face workplace discrimination. The San Francisco Chronicle reports:

"Long-standing federal policy prohibits discrimination against federal employees based on sexual orientation," said White House spokesman Ken Lisaius. "President Bush expects federal agencies to enforce this policy and to ensure that all federal employees are protected from unfair discrimination at work."

The surprise announcement came on the heels of mounting controversy over actions last month by a Bush appointee that appeared to reverse part of that policy. Social conservative Scott Bloch -- new head of the office charged with protecting federal workers from discrimination (!) -- in early February removed references to sexual orientation from his agency's website, complaint forms, brochures and training documents. Reports the Chronicle:

The Bloch controversy has threatened to undermine Bush's repeated efforts to emphasize his tolerance for gays and lesbians even as he backs a constitutional amendment banning same-sex marriage. It may also cement perceptions that the president is hostile to the gay community"

It's unclear, however, whether Bloch himself will now be pressured to reverse his "gay removal" policy, as the administration tries to find just the right balance between appearing too tolerant and too intolerant.

More on Massachusetts.

A correspondent writes:

In fairness to Kerry, the proposed MA "civil unions" are marriage in all but name. So, of course, the religious right is dead set against them and the constitutional amendment [in Massachusetts, which bans gay marriage but puts in place civil unions]. This issue boils down to how important you think a name is.

Ok, let me try this again. Kerry is better than Bush on gay issues, but not to the extent that justifies the free pass from gay supporters he's been getting. If Massachusetts had simply passed a Kerry-backed civil unions bill, that would be one thing. But once the state's Supreme Judicial Court put access to "real" marriage on the table, the bar for what's acceptable was permanently raised. Now, it would be a large step backwards to tie civil unions to a constitutional amendment that enshrines the concept that:

It being the public policy of this commonwealth to protect the unique relationship of marriage, only the union of one man and one woman shall be valid or recognized as marriage in the commonwealth.

In other words, they're saying that they'll never let us have full marriage equality -- not now, not down the road, no how.

This is more than just a matter of names, in my opinion, or even of whether civil unions might, under other circumstances, have been prudent as an intermediate step.

Gay Marriage Helps Children

Many opponents of gay marriage do so on the grounds that marriage exists primarily for raising children, and that gay couples cannot satisfy this purpose. A strong version of this point holds that gay parents are incompetent to raise children, and perhaps are even dangerous to them (the "competence argument"). A milder version claims that opposite-sex married couples are optimal for child-rearing (the "optimality argument"). The competence argument is factually unsupported and contravened by the laws of every state. The optimality argument may or may not be correct, but either way is irrelevant to the controversy over gay marriage.

The competence argument asserts that children raised by gay parents, as compared to those raised by heterosexual parents, are:

  • at higher risk emotionally and cognitively;
  • are more apt to be confused about their sexual and gender identity; and
  • are more likely to be molested.

Gays, therefore, ought not to raise children.

Since marriage includes a presumptive right to have and raise children, either through conception or adoption, gays ought to be denied marriage. The happiness and needs of gay couples do not justify putting children at risk.

If the competence argument is correct, states should bar gays altogether from parenting. Yet while judges sometimes use homosexuality as one factor among many in making custody and visitation determinations, no state categorically bars gays from raising children. Only one state, Florida, prohibits gays from adopting children. However, even Florida permits gays to raise their own biological children, to obtain custody of children, and to be long-term foster parents. In short, no state has made the policy judgment embodied by the competence argument.

In fact, the strong trend in the country is toward the relaxation of rules disfavoring gay parenting. About half of the states now recognize two-parent adoptions in which same-sex partners both adopt a child. Gay parenting is common. More than one million children are now being raised by gay parents, singly or in couples, in this country. According to the 2000 census, about one-fourth of all same-sex-couple households include children.

The available studies on the effects of gay parenting, while not methodologically perfect, seriously undermine the competence argument. While the studies may not yet prove that gays are just as good as heterosexuals at raising children, they point strongly to the conclusion that gays are at least minimally competent parents.

In a review of 21 studies of gay parenting, sociologists Judith Stacey and Timothy Biblarz concluded that "every relevant study to date shows that parental sexual orientation per se has no measurable effect on the quality of parent-child relationships or on children's mental health or social adjustment." The minor observed differences between children raised by gay parents and those raised by straight parents "either favor children raised by lesbigay parents, are secondary effects of social prejudice, or represent "difference' of the sort democratic societies should respect and protect." While more work must be done to shore up these conclusions, a strong provisional judgment can be made that the competence argument is factually baseless.

A milder version of the child-rearing objection to gay marriage maintains that even if gays should not be completely barred from parenting, married heterosexual couples should be strongly preferred. This optimality argument holds that, all else being equal, children do best when raised by a married mother and father.

In contrast to the competence argument, there is at least some empirical basis for the optimality argument. There is substantial evidence that children raised in married households are on average happier, healthier, and wealthier than children raised by single parents or by unmarried cohabiting parents. This probably has something to do with the legal and social support marriage provides.

Still, this is shaky empirical support for the optimality argument. There is no good study comparing children raised in married households with children raised by same-sex couples. And, because gay marriage is forbidden, there is no study comparing children raised by opposite-sex married couples with children raised by same-sex married couples.

Let's assume, for the sake of argument, that opposite-sex married couples provide the optimal environment for child-rearing. That is still no argument against gay marriage. First, even if a primary purpose of marriage is to facilitate child-rearing, it is not an indispensable purpose, as the many childless married couples can attest.

Second, gay marriage won't take any children from mothers and fathers who want to raise them. Consider: there is no shortage of children in the country. There are not enough married couples to raise them all. That's why states allow sub-optimal parenting by singles (gay and straight) and unmarried couples (gay and straight). Almost everyone agrees these sub-optimal arrangements are better than orphanages or foster care, where the outcomes for children are often terrible.

No serious person advocates removing all children from gay parents. So whether or not gay marriage is allowed, children will continue to be raised by gay parents. The only question is, Will these children be raised in homes that may enjoy the protections and benefits of marriage? If it's better for children to be raised by a married opposite-sex couple than by an unmarried opposite-sex couple, it would surely be better for children to be raised by a married same-sex couple than by an unmarried same-sex couple. That's the relevant comparison, not the comparison of married straight couples to gay couples.

If it's really concern for children that's motivating opponents of gay marriage, they ought to rethink their conclusion. They should be pounding the table for gay marriage.

Radicals Frozen in Time.

"For Some, a Sanitized Movement" in the Washington Post provides a voice for those gays who think marriage is a sell out:

The gay rights activists and theorists and feminists who critique the campaign from the left are the voices less often heard in the battle over gay marriage. -- [T]hey are mortified at the fate of a revolution pasteurized. They wonder what happened to championing sexual freedom and universal health care, and upending patriarchy?

Unfortunately, the article buys the false line that the gay movement began with leftists in the 1960s, after which time "conservatives" took advantage of the opening and moved in. Simply not so: Many very early gay activists were either political moderates favoring what's now termed "assimilation" or libertarians strongly opposed to socialism and statism. True, left-leaning radicals gained the spotlight in the '60s and '70s, but let's not entirely rewrite history!

Kerry 1, Bush 0.

While the Bush-backed Federal Marriage Amendment to the U.S. Constitution increasingly looks like it's going nowhere in Congress, the Kerry-backed Massachusetts state constitutional gay-marriage-ban amendment has now passed the Bay State's legislature. The amendment, of course, aims to quash gay marriage in the only state where it's on the verge of being recognized. Under state law, the amendment must again be approved by the next session of the legislature and then by the voters, at which time it may enjoy the support of President Kerry.

Here I bite my tongue to avoid making the obvious partisan comment and enduring the angry emails of gay Democrats, who are no doubt celebrating the great victory for civil unions in Massachusetts.

The “Unholy Axis” Strikes Again.

A move to add sexual orientation to the list of categories protected by the United Nations has been dropped in the midst of intense pressure from the Vatican and Muslim nations, reports GayWired.com. The motion was again shelved after it became clear the Vatican and Arab countries led by Egypt wouldn't let it pass. One openly gay member of the European Parliament, Britain's Michael Cashman, labeled the opposition as "The Unholy Axis" and added,

"Millions of people across the globe face imprisonment, torture, violence, and discrimination because of their sexual orientation. For the second year running the UN has failed to condemn this discrimination and the continuing abuses of human rights on the basis of a person's sexuality. Both the Vatican and the Conference of Islamic States should hang their heads in shame for having reduced their beliefs to the gutter of bigotry and discrimination."

The same alliance is attempting to revoke an executive order by Secretary General Kofi Annan that would provide the same-sex partners of UN workers with the benefits granted to married couples if their home countries approve.

One could be churlish and note that the bloody history of the Vatican and the Islamic states regarding the right to life and liberty for religious dissenters/minorities (not to mention gays and lesbians) is so dreadful that you have to wonder, gape jawed, at their sheer audacity to yet again promote an agenda of prejudice under the guise of religious orthodoxy.

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3/28/04 - 4/03/04

Who Is Confused About Church and State?

Comedian Robin Williams lashing out at President Bush: "It's nice to have a President who confuses his commandments and amendments." OK, fair enough. But here's John Kerry justifying why he supports lesser civil unions for gays but favors amending state constitutions to ban gay marriage, from his interview with MTV:

"What is distinct is the institutional name or whatever people look at as the sacrament within a church, or within a synagogue or within a mosque as a religious institution. There is a distinction. And the civil state really just adopted that."

So, where are the Democratic voices rising up in anger over Kerry's adopting the position that religious sacraments shoud be dispensed by the state, at the expense of legal equality for gays? Don't hold your breath. Even this MTV story leads with an assertion of Kerry's support for granting gays "equal rights under the law," then buries his remarks about sacraments being an exception.

One thing is clear: this is going to be the nastiest presidential campaign in memory, with both sides sinking to new lows to ignite the emotions of their respective bases. And the partisan news media (and make no mistake, they're all partisan -- especially those who feign "objectivity") can't be trusted. George Orwell was never so right about how politics debases the simple meaning of words (e.g., "equality.").

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Addendum: A correspondent disagrees with my assessment and points out that Kerry also said, "It's the rights that are important, not the name of the institution." OK, but even assuming that civil unions would be separate but otherwise equal to marriage on a state level, Kerry still supports a state constitutional amendment to ban same-sex "marriage" on the basis that marriage is a sacrament. Sorry, but I just don't see how that differs from Bush's reason for supporting an (admittedly worse) federal amendment.
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Joel Kotkin's Sunday op-ed in the Washington Post compares the ideological and theological divisions in 2004 America with those of England just before its 17th-century civil war. He writes:

All Americans have a stake in improving the quality of the political discourse on both sides. Issues such as the war on terrorism, the role of the state in private life, the nature of marriage and the fear of obsolescence are the issues that divide Roundhead and Cavalier America today. And they are weighty enough to be treated with something more than dueling hyperbole.

But I woundn't count on a return to bipartisan civility, not to mention rationality, anytime soon.

More Recent Postings

3/21/04 - 3/27/04