Gay-rights opponents are fond of noting that the majority of
Americans are against same-sex marriage.
This is a reasonable claim for them to make. For one thing, it's
true (although by increasingly narrow margins). Furthermore, it's
rhetorically effective. America is, in spirit if not always in
practice, a staunchly democratic society.
So what's the problem? The problem is that, when it comes to
minority rights, the majority has historically been an unreliable
moral guide.
Forget the debate about whether gays and lesbians are a
"minority" in the same sense that ethnic minorities are. The point
is that we're a relatively small segment of the population (indeed,
exceedingly small, if you believe our opponents' numbers). Small,
often invisible, and largely misunderstood.
And so it should come as little surprise that the straight
majority often doesn't "get it." That's changing as more of us come
out of the closet - hence the improving statistics on gay-marriage
support. But we've still got a ways to go.
Return, then, to the claim that the majority of Americans oppose
gay marriage. President Bush often sounds this theme, complaining
about "activist judges" subverting "the will of the American
people." (Notice that the will of the American people appears
irrelevant when it comes to abortion, stem cell research, and other
issues on which the American majority is more progressive than the
president. He doesn't govern by consulting polls, you know.)
The president's inconsistencies aside, the fact that the
majority of Americans oppose gay marriage isn't an argument against
gay marriage. It's backdrop.
After all, no one on either side denies that most Americans
currently oppose gay marriage. The question is not whether they do,
but whether they should. Pointing to the "will of the people"
doesn't answer that question, it begs it.
But doesn't majority support for an idea lend credence to the
idea? Sure it does. As the old saying goes, 50 million Frenchmen
can't be wrong.
Except that the French are a lot more relaxed in their attitudes
toward homosexuality than Americans. Bad example.
See the point? Suppose we're debating whether to adopt X or Y,
and we both agree that most people favor X. In arguing whether to
adopt Y, it does no good to repeat that most people favor X (or for
that matter, that most people somewhere else favor Y). One must put
forth reasons for favoring X or Y.
So our opponents should stop grumbling about gay-rights
activists "foisting" their "agenda" on an unsuspecting public, and
start explaining why people should prefer their moral vision to
ours. (Apropos, why is it that when they voice their values, it's a
"moral vision," whereas when we do it, it's an "agenda"? Funny,
that.)
This November many states will offer ballot initiatives to
prohibit recognition of same-sex marriages. In Michigan, for
example, voters will be able to decide whether to add the following
amendment to the state constitution:
"To secure and preserve the benefits of marriage for our society
and for future generations of children, the union of one man and
one woman in marriage shall be the only agreement recognized as a
marriage or similar union for any purpose."
Ballot initiatives seem very democratic and fair - until you
remember what history teaches us about the majority's handling of
minority rights.
The Michigan amendment is especially worrisome. It precludes not
only gay marriage but also "similar union[s] for any purpose." It
would thus strike down existing domestic-partnership benefits.
In talking about the amendment, we should emphasize the latter
point. We shouldn't call it "the amendment to ban gay marriage." We
should call it "the amendment to roll back domestic-partner
benefits" - for that will be its primary practical effect. Gay
marriage is already illegal in Michigan.
Such subterfuge is part of our opponents' strategy. They lead
with a call to "secure and preserve the benefits of marriage" - and
who can argue with that? It isn't until the end of the amendment
that they slip in language that quietly rolls back existing
benefits.
Imagine an amendment that banned the use of marijuana - already
illegal in Michigan - and then slipped in ambiguous language that
also outlawed tobacco without ever mentioning the word. Sneaky,
huh? Well, that's what we're up against.
Now, fair or not, we've got to make our case to the majority.
And just as we'd have a better chance at garnering majority
opposition the "anti-tobacco amendment" than to the "anti-
marijuana amendment," so too we have a better chance of garnering
majority opposition to the "anti-domestic-partner- benefits
amendment" than to the "anti-gay-marriage amendment." (Note to the
Coalition for a Fair Michigan: remember this when deciding on
slogans for lawn signs.)
The only way to stop the tyranny of the majority is for the
minority to make its voice loudly heard.