Mandated Sensitivity.

As Slate's "Explainer" Daniel Engber notes:

Chicago White Sox manager Ozzie Guillen will have to undergo league-mandated "sensitivity training," after calling a Chicago Sun-Times columnist a "fag" last week. Guillen told a reporter on Friday that he wasn't sure if he'd make it to the session, while legendary baseball loudmouth John Rocker described his own sensitivity training as a "farce."

Yes, sounds like it's gonna make the guy real sensitive about gays. But this kind of mandatory session is really about placating those offended (and I count myself among them).

Businesses have a right to force this kind of training on their employees, and doing so allows them to claim they're making good faith efforts to eliminate discrimination should they find themselves being sued. But requiring offenders to endure a bit of multi-culti psychoblather isn't likely to get at the root of anyone's prejudice (though it may provide them with an incentive to keep their bigotries out of public view).

Talking to Evangelicals

I got a very strange phone call last week.

A woman from a marketing and design firm called. I had been recommended to her, she said, as a good writer who had done work for non-profits.

Yes, I said.

She asked me if I would be available to work as a freelancer on a three-year project for a capital campaign.

Yep, I said.

Then she said: "You know, before we go further, I should ask you something."

OK? I said.

She paused.

"How do you feel about working for an evangelical institution?"

Now I paused.

For a very long time.

"An evangelical Christian institution?" I asked. "Like a church?"

"An evangelical Christian institution," she said.

I almost laughed.

My first thought was---Are you kidding me?

But then I started thinking about other things.

There are, of course, circumstances under which I would not write. I would not write for an institution that included anti-gay work as part of its mission.

I think we have a responsibility, as talented gay and lesbian people, not to contribute our gifts toward people and institutions who actively work against us, no matter how much we need the work or how much we might get paid.

But.

But should I turn work-or any sort of association-down just because the institution is evangelical?

My kind of work, of course, is different from other kinds of work. I don't construct buildings or add up numbers, objective things that would likely produce a similar outcome no matter who does it.

My kind of work is persuasive-that is, when I write for non-profits, it's usually my job to connect with an audience in such a strong, emotional way that they will apply to the school or come to an event or call their local politco or send money.

And I was recommended to this woman because I can be very, very persuasive.

So this, really, became a serious moral question for me. Could I take a job that would involve me raising support for an evangelical institution?

I had a quick vision of sitting in a room with a bunch of suited evangelicals. Me, with my multi-colored hair and multi-pierced ears, with my liberal opinions and my willing mouth to voice them.

I almost laughed again.

Then I thought: Well, why not? An institution could be (and now I believe that this one, in fact, is) a college and I'm a strong believer in education. Actually, I know lots of good people, gay and straight, who were educated at evangelical or Catholic colleges. Some experienced openness and acceptance, some didn't.

Yet on balance, I think that evangelical schools do a lot of good work. Maybe not for us-but in the world.

That's the thing I think we forget when we have a whiplash response toward evangelicals. We don't trust them, right? We are sure that they hate us (and yes, some of them do). We are convinced that one of their primary motivations is to eliminate us and destroy our happiness. We think that the way they conceive of the role of women and families is backward and regressive. Many of us think that evangelicals are evil.

But that can't be true-or at least, it can't be true of all of them nor of all evangelical institutions.

I think this is one of our big problems. Gays and lesbians are a large voting block (some say 5 percent). Evangelicals are a larger voting block (about 23 percent). They may not need us-but you know what?

We probably need them.

Perhaps we should start thinking about evangelicals not as evil but as misguided. Think how much good that 23 percent voting block could do! They could get us universal health care! They could make inroads into immigration reform!

Perhaps we should think of evangelicals not as adversaries but as potential partners. Perhaps they need to be persuaded that their time, money and energy is better spent on real problems facing America---problems that Jesus might have cared deeply about, like poor education systems, expensive health care and few affordable housing options.

But if we never work together or associate with each other, how will we ever find common ground on these issues or any others?

Once I started thinking along these lines, I started thinking about this job as a possible educational opportunity. Maybe I could win these suited evangelicals over.

"Are you there?" the woman on the phone said.

"I don't have a problem working for an evangelical institution," I said. "But they may have a problem with me. I'm an open lesbian. I write a column in the gay press."

"Well," she said. "I don't know how much respect you would get in that room. Let me talk to them and call you back."

I haven't heard from her.

It's too bad.

The Families We’re Fighting For

As the Capital Pride parade turns the corner of R Street and 17th, my friends and I stand on our chairs on the patio of Dupont Italian Kitchen and cheer the marchers on. Leading off the parade is the Gay and Lesbian Liaison Unit of the Metropolitan Police Department, running their sirens to cheers from the crowd. They are followed by more than a dozen local candidates, as well as the gay marching band, gay-welcoming ministries, athletes preparing for the Gay Games, floats with bodybuilders and drag queens and two-stepping cowboys, and various groups marching behind their banners. As always, the biggest cheers are for the PFLAG parents.

I'm not sure whether it's the arrival of June, the recent change in the political climate, or sheer resilience that makes the crowd's disposition so sunny. Given how much harm the radical right has done to faith, flag and family in the very name of those things, those of us who have been their principal scapegoats would have ample reason to be angry. But I was more depressed than angry a few days earlier, as the U.S. Senate began the week by debating whether to write gay families out of the Constitution.

It wasn't that the Marriage Prevention Amendment (as it ought to be called) had any chance of passage. I was thinking of my lover Patrick, whose permanent asylum application was recently denied by Belgium. If he loses his appeal, he faces deportation back to Africa. One of his uncles there attacked him with a knife four years ago, after learning that he was gay and was involved with me. Patrick fought back, and a few days later I helped him escape Africa. Unable to bring him here to the U.S., all I can do now is help pay his lawyer and hope that the weeks pass quickly until I can see him again.

The day before the Senate vote, civil rights leaders and anti-gay ministers held separate press conferences on the U.S. Senate grounds. Among those gathered by the Human Rights Campaign for the pro-gay event, in addition to the usual talking points, Sen. Edward Kennedy (D-MA) expressed pride in the human rights legacy of his state's constitution, and in the Goodridge decision that continues it. Rep. John Lewis (D-GA) used words he has used many times, calling on his nation to be "one people, one family, one house, the American house, the American family, the American nation."

At the anti-gay rally earlier in the day, Bishop Harry Jackson of Bowie, Maryland, claimed that same-sex marriage would increase the number of black children without a mother and a father. He did not explain how this would happen. Speaking at the HRC rally, Rev. Nathan Harris of D.C.'s Lincoln Congregational Temple said, "Heterosexual marriage has done a good job on its own of falling apart."

I thanked Rep. Lewis after the HRC rally, and he expressed optimism about the coming election. Whenever I meet him, I marvel anew at the fortitude that enabled him to survive the Freedom Rides and Bloody Sunday four decades ago, and at the good fortune of gay Americans in having such a steadfast ally in this civil rights hero. In his quiet determination and grace I recognize qualities that impressed me about Patrick.

When our personal journeys include fighting for equality as gay people, they can bring estrangement from our families. For many of us, risking that estrangement was an essential part of asserting ourselves, of coming into our own. But a necessary step is not the same as the goal. However far we travel, we often feel the presence of our birth families as we form families of our own. The shared values endure after the fighting is over.

The same is true for us politically as we fight for legal protections that others take for granted, because the people we need to win over include members of our own families. As is illustrated by the ubiquitous story of the disastrous Thanksgiving dinner, sometimes our families can bring out the worst in us, and we find ourselves pouring salt on old wounds. When you have so much shared history with people, it can be hard to turn over a new page. Winning votes among this constituency is politics at its most retail.

Standing near my friends and me during the pride parade is a straight black couple with a toddler of perhaps 18 months. The little boy jumps up and down and claps as he watches a colorful float go by, and there is no sign that his parents see this any differently than an old-fashioned Fourth of July parade. He has not learned to hate, and Mom and Dad show no sign of intending to teach him. In that child, I glimpse our future.

Despite all that my Patrick has gone through with his family, and his strength and resolve in standing up for himself, he still feels strong family ties. He misses his brother terribly. Once when I was with him in Brussels, he learned of the death of a family member. I could feel his anguish at not being able to be there. We decided to send money to help with the funeral expenses, a customary obligation. Prior to that, I was merely Patrick's lover. With that simple act, for the first time, and whether they liked it or not, I was family.

‘Natural Family,’ or Not.

I hadn't heard about the brouhaha that followed when the heavily Mormon town of Kanab, Utah, resolved to promote the "natural family" unit, defined as man and woman, duly married "as ordained of God," with hearts "open to a full quiver of children." The Los Angeles Times has the story.

From Mormons to Muslims, the Washington Post takes a look at how social pressure is pushing some Islamic gays to seek lesbian wives. At least in this case it's not the state doing the pressing, yet.

Meet the Coyotes.

On the website of the free-market Ludwig von Mises Institute, Gardner Goldsmith argues Don't Let Government Define Marriage (Or Optimal Child-Rearing Environments). Favorite part: even accepting debatable assertions about the most-advantageous family arrangement for kids, the amendment ought to frighten anyone concerned about liberty:

Proponents of legally or constitutionally codified heterosexual marriage ... claim that by legalizing only "one man - one woman" marriages, they promote the optimal conditions for the upbringing of a child.

But that begs the question: by only legalizing the optimal, do they agree that anything suboptimal should be illegal? If the conditions for raising a child vary, and run along a continuum from the worst (say, being raised by coyotes in the forest) to the possible optimal (being raised by loving, talented, brilliant millionaires) would those who could run government determine that anything below the millionaire level was suboptimal and therefore illegal? Would one have to undergo a wealth and intelligence test before being married, because marriage could lead to childrearing, and that child could possibly be raised in a suboptimal environment? The standard is arbitrary, and dangerous to a free society.

"Conservatives," Goldsmith writes, "used to have a reputation for being skeptical of government." Indeed.

The High Price of Anglican ‘Communion.’

The Anglican Communion is considering "temporarily" banning gay bishops and same-sex blessing ceremonies for the sake of "unity" between liberal, western churches and their deeply homophobic, mostly African brethren (who have also found a smattering of allies in Europe and America). Draft church legislation would urge dioceses to refrain from choosing bishops "whose manner of life presents a challenge to the wider church."

Meanwhile, the American Episcopalians have elected a female presiding bishop, which also is making the reactionaries furious (although, in this case, the Archbishop of Canterbury is pledging his support).

At some point, the Anglicans will have to decide if they prefer unity (that is, communion) over Christ's message of love and inclusion. It really shouldn't be a difficult choice.

Update. Despite some premature reports, the news doesn't sound good. Blogger Father Jake has the story: Episcopal Church Bows to the Idol of Communion: Embraces Bigotry.

Update 2. The Presbyterians, too, affirm they won't ordain non-celibate gays. But the church's righteous lefty leadership urges divestment from Israel in support of Palestinian terrorists.

Annals of Identity Politics.

The National Gay & Lesbian Task Force has a new politically correct obsession, declaring that:

The lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender Asian-American community is under-served, under-researched and under-studied.

Well, the gay Asian-Americans I know don't feel particularly under-served in relation to the rest of us, and neither do they lament that they're "under-researched and under-studied."

Last fall the Arcus Foundation awarded NGLTF a $2 million grant, augmented by an additional $1 million from Arcus founder and president Jon Stryker.

The executive director of the Arcus Foundation, incidentally, is Urvashi Vaid, former head of NGLTF, whose book Virtual Equality is an argument against "the mainstreaming of gay and lesbian liberation" and a call for further alliance-building with the left. It's also replete with criticisms of "gay conservatives," among whom she lumps Jonathan Rauch, Bruce Bawer, Andrew Sullivan, Paul Varnell and yours truly. (For more about Vaid, check out my column from a few years back, Who Stole the Gay Movement?)

Incidentally, along with its LGBT focus, the Arcus Foundation's other chief concern is great apes. But I must protest-the foundation is impermissibly excluding and thus further marginalizing the dolphin community.

The Fools on the Hill.

The Advocate reports that an anti-gay congressman has stripped funding for L.A.'s Gay and Lesbian Center from the federal Transportation, Treasury, Housing, and Urban Development bill. Anti-gay animus is bad, but just where in the Constitution is it a role of the federal government to fund local gay centers? And let's just leave aside the fact that L.A. has its own vibrant and wealthy gay community. This little story sums up so much about what's wrong with the political situation in Washington.

Not about the above, but still regarding Republicans and Democrats, Right Side of the Rainbow ponders, "I can't be the only one who feels trapped between the unprincipled and the psychotic." Can you guess which is which?