Ron Paul Stirs Things Up (a Bit)

Not that I think he's going to be president, but Ron Paul is attracting the support of a cadre of some pretty charged-up Republicans who may have an impact on their party's future.

Paul's position on same-sex marriage is muddy, perhaps intentionally. But when, in an interview, ABC's John Stossel asked Paul "Should gays be allowed to marry?" his (initial) answer was "Sure." That later gets qualified, but in and of itself it sets him apart not just from the fundies but also from mainstream Republicans-and Democrats-running for the highest office.

When pushed, alas, Paul says that government shouldn't be in the marriage licensing business, but it's not like hetero couples are going to give up all the government-provided rights and benefits they receive by getting hitched.

Paul also reveals a deeper antipathy when he says of gay couples, "just so they don't expect to impose their relationship on somebody else." That sounds more like the Texas congressman who, while opposing a federal constitutional amendment to ban same-sex marriage, did vote for the Defense of Marriage Act which, in part, bars the federal government from recognizing same-sex marriages (even when recognized under state law) for purposes such as filing joint federal taxes, Social Security inheritance and spousal immigration. And Paul voted in 1999 to bar the District of Columbia from [using federal funds for adoptions by unmarried parnters]. ( Some key Paul positions are summarized here.)

Even so, that initial "Sure" was nice to see.

Update. Paul's gay supporters say the 1999 amendment he voted for, regarding adoptions in the District of Columbia, involved federal funding for adoptions by unmarried couples, and it was the federal funding that Paul opposed. However, it appears that the amendment did not seek to limit the total amount of federal funds to D.C., but to prohibit the use of federal funds by the D.C. government for any operations that would facilitate adoption by unmarried partners. (H.R. 2587; H.AMDT. 356: An amendment to prohibit any funding for the joint adoption of a child between individuals who are not related by blood or marriage.)

More. Back in 1998, our own contributing author David Boaz advocated Privatize Marriage: A simple solution to the gay-marriage debate. But I have to agree with our frequent commenter Avee, who shares:

I, too, would prefer government to stop licensing marriage. But it's not politically likely that, anytime soon, Washington is going to revoke all the hundreds of special rights that government grants to married couples, in the tax code and otherwise. That being said, does Paul support stopping the government from discriminating against same-sex couples by giving them all the rights it gives to opposite-sex couples whose marriages it recognizes (for as long as it continues to recognize opposite-sex marriages)? It would appear Paul does NOT support this.

No Penetration, Period

It seems that politicians who are the most anti-gay (e.g., Huckabee calls homosexuality "sinful") are often also the most anti-immigrant (e.g., Huckabee wants to seal border.)

Could be that people who don't like people who are different, don't like people who are different?

More. Reason mag's Hit & Run blog on Republicans "chasing a rabbit down a hole" for dubious short-term gains and likely long-term disaster.

Still more. David Lampo, a spokesman for Log Cabin Republicans of Viriginia, writes in the Richmond Times-Dispatch:

What are the lessons the Republicans should learn from the 2007 elections? Certainly not the one that the Family Foundation is pushing in its e-mail blasts to its supporters that claim the losses were attributable to candidates who were not socially conservative enough…

For Republicans to succeed, we must get back to focusing on real Republican ideals and values-such as limited government, individual responsibility, and fiscal discipline-and move away from campaigns that do nothing more than attack gays and immigrants…

…if the Republican Party wishes to reverse its recent electoral misfortune, it will need to adopt a message and run campaigns that invite people into the party rather than exclude them from it.

DADT Once Again

On Nov. 30, a group of 28 retired generals and admirals released a letter urging Congress to repeal the law mandating the military's "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" policy regarding gays.

Pointing to studies suggesting that there are more than one million gay and lesbian veterans and 65,000 gays currently in the armed forces, the generals and admirals point out, "They have served our nation honorably."

This letter in itself, of course, will not move Congress to act but it chips away a little more at the legitimacy of the law and it can provide additional support for politicians who are willing to speak out about the issue.

The letter followed by just two days a Nov. 28 CNN forum for GOP presidential contenders in which all the candidates (except Giuliani) expressed support for the current policy, arguing that it is "working" or that it would be disruptive to integrate open gays into the military. Sen. John McCain said specifically that senior generals had told him that the policy is "working."

Is the policy working? Well, a lot of deplorable policies have "worked," depending on your goal, but that doesn't mean that they are the best policies or that other policies would not work better. Racial segregation in the military "worked." For that matter, racial segregation in the whole Southern society "worked" too. At least for white people. Stalin's concentration camps "worked." Islamic "honor killings" of women who have been raped "work" too, I suppose, if you are not the victim. But do many people want to defend those policies as the best policy?

Remember those Arabic linguists a couple of years ago who, despite the military's crying need for Arab-language translators, were discharged because they were gay? Is that an example of the policy "working"? What about all the other skills gays may have been taught that are lost when they are discharged from the military? More examples of the policy "working"?

What is particularly interesting is that people on both sides point to the same fact-that the U.S. is at war-to support their position. In an op-ed article for the New York Times last January, Gen. John Shalikashvili wrote, "Our military has been stretched thin by our deployment in the Middle East and we must welcome the service of any American who is willing and able to do the job."

By contrast, the Republicans all say that it would be a distraction to allow open gays into the military during wartime. As former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee put it, morale and unit cohesion are paramount in the military and the DADT policy protects both. But Huckabee is not well-informed. First, gays are already in the military, an increasing number open about their orientation.

Second, a Rand Corporation study several years ago concluded that what counts is not "unit cohesion" but "mission cohesion"-a common commitment to completing the task at hand. And you might think that a military at war has a more important and easily identifiable mission than a military at peace. So integrating gays during a war would be the best time to do it.

Third, the British military began allowing openly gay personnel to serve several years ago and found-to its expressed surprise-that there were virtually no problems. And fourth, small surveys of military personnel have shown an increasing acceptance of open gays in the military.

The military itself seems to be ignoring the policy. The New York Times points out that discharges of gays dropped by 50 percent between 2001 and 2006-from 1,227 to 612. Military recruiters themselves, hard-pressed to meet their quotas, sometimes ignore the gay ban. I believe I have previously told the story of a friend who told the recruiter he was gay. The recruiter said, "I didn't hear a thing," and promptly signed him up. This is not just a policy that has lost its legitimacy, it is a policy in tatters.

Nevertheless, Republican candidates clutch at any possible rationale for keeping gays out of the military even if it has no basis in fact or prudence. I have no doubt that if the nation were at peace they would all say that because we didn't need more military personnel there was no real need for allowing open gays. (Giuliani, to his credit, has said that if it were peacetime, he would work to rescind DADT.)

No doubt for most of the Republicans, their position is rooted in a religiously motivated hostility to gays. But no doubt too they are aware that most GOP primary voters have similar views, so they are boxed into an inflexible position.

The Left’s View of Inauthentic Gays

Yet another uninformed hit piece against gays who dare to deviate from the party line is making the rounds, this time via Public Eye, a quarterly put out by Political Research Associates, a nonprofit supported by progressive and liberal activists and foundations.

In Gay Conservatives: Unwanted Allies on the Right, Pam Chamberlain sneers that:

Embarrassed by a gay community that embraces the diversity of drag queens, transgender youth, and adherents of exotic sexual practices, these (mostly male) assimilationists express their sense of entitlement through outrage at being discriminated against for being gay....

It is in the blogosphere, however, where political writers like Andrew Sullivan, Jonathan Rauch, and the Independent Gay Forum, an online collection of gay conservative writers, have found their home....

I love the fact that to prove her case, Chamberlain copiously quotes...other progressives who accuse those they label as "gay conservatives" of sexism, racism, etc. etc.

Actually, IGF's writers include several Democrats and many small "l" libertarians. But while Chamberlain notes that "gay conservatives" embrace a variety of issues including "limited government, lower taxes, personal responsibility, a strong defense, and free markets," she repeatedly returns to the trope that because the religious right is anti-gay and holds sway over the Republican party, "gay conservatives" don't make any sense (aside from being motivated by shame and selfishness).

It's clear that Chamberlain simply doesn't give any credence to the ideas of "limited government" and personal responsibility, so she dismisses them as a veneer. It's not possible that gay non-leftists might genuinely believe that individual liberty trumps group entitlement. Or that faith in government regulation to engineer social outcomes is often counter-productive. Or that economic redistribution doesn't lead to "social justice" but to economic stagnancy. Or that those who champion less government and greater individual liberty might be battling the grip that social conservatives have on the GOP.

These ideas may, of course, be debatable, but it's a sign of the left's slovenliness to not even engage in that debate and instead to dismiss gays who rejected leftwing boilerplate politics as craven, racist, misogynist self-loathers.

On a happier note, here's an op-ed in which one (straight) conservative explains why he supports gay marriage. It's the kind of argument that gay libertarians and conservatives can help foster on the political right, the value of which you might expect gays on the left to recognize.

A Gay Population Explosion?

The Williams Institute at the University of California Los Angeles School of Law is one of our community's most important think tanks, producing high-quality studies on sexual orientation and public policy.

Its latest study, Geographic Trends among Same-Sex Couples in the U.S. Census and the American Community Survey, points to significant increases in the number of gay couples who report their status on government surveys-from 145,000 in 1990, to just under 600,000 in 2000. The Institute's study then uses the Census Bureau's 2006 American Community Survey (ACS) of 1.4 million representative adults to determine, among other things, the number of same-sex couples in the U.S. who reported their status. It found that 780,000 couples were willing to be counted.

Unfortunately, the accompanying press release unnecessarily contains a bit of misleading language about that finding. "Unfortunately," because it is a sad fact that some journalists on deadline will use the press release rather than the study itself as the basis for their news story. What the study itself always carefully stipulates as couples "reporting themselves," seems sometimes to be treated in the press release as a finding about the actual number of gay couples.

For example, the release says the report "document(s) a gay demographic explosion in some of the country's most politically and socially conservative regions." I suspect that most of these gay couples were already there. They just decided to acknowledge their existence. So the "explosion" is in self-reporting, not their existence.

The release also says, "The number of same-sex couples in the U.S. has quadrupled since 1990." Actually, the number has "quintupled" (145,000 to 780,000). That's minor. More important is that the language of the release implies that this is now the actual number of gay couples in the U.S.

That would be nonsense, of course. Nobody believes that there were only 145,000 gay couples in 1990, only 600,000 in 2000, and only 780,000 in 2006. Clearly only a fraction of gay couples were willing to acknowledge their existence in the 1990 and 2000 censuses and a somewhat larger fraction were willing to acknowledge their existence in the 2006 ACS.

So what this study is actually finding is an increase in gay couples' openness, not the actual number of gay couples, which remains unknown. To be sure, the release goes on to quote study author Gary Gates saying exactly that: "(M)ore same-sex couples are willing to identify themselves as such on government surveys like the ACS." Fine! But why not say that in the first place and avoid the misleading statement?

So how many gay couples are there really? Two million? Three million? Four million? No one knows. As social tolerance and acceptance increase, the number of gay couples reporting themselves-and perhaps the number of gays forming couples and living together-is bound to increase with each census and ACS report. You want a complete guess? I'd guess there are 2.5 million to 3 million gay couples. Check back in a few years and we'll see if I'm right.

However that may be, most laymen, if not the researchers themselves, seize on these current numbers of open gay couples, just as they seize on the latest survey of the number of self-acknowledged gays, and treat the results as a finding about the actual number, not openness, forgetting that the numbers keep rising.

For instance, last year's Williams Institute study noted that the government's 2002 National Survey of Family Growth asked its sample of more than 12,000 men and women aged 18-44 about their sexual orientation. The survey found that 4.1 percent said they were gay, lesbian, or bisexual. But here is Gates writing in his 2005 Gay and Lesbian Atlas based on the 2000 census: "(T)hese calculations suggest that gay men and lesbians represent 2 to 3 percent of the U.S. population."

And here is the 1994 Social Organization of Sexuality by Edward O. Laumann, et al.: "Altogether, 2.8 percent of the men and 1.4 percent of the women reported some level of homosexual (or bisexual) identity." They should have acknowledged that, of course, the actual number is undoubtedly much higher. But everyone wants to seem definitive.

So if this time the ACS finds that 4.1 percent of the population acknowledge being gay, in five years it will probably be 4.7 percent of the population, and in 2015 it will likely be 5.3 percent, and continuing upward. What is the actual percentage? Six percent? Seven percent? Eight percent? No one knows. All I ask is for demographers to acknowledge that they are not measuring the total gay population, only the current degree of openness of that population. Is that so hard to do?

It’s Propaganda If You Don’t Agree

IGF gets a mention from the religious right media concerning efforts to use the government against the gay-families-inclusive children's book King & King, including those who want to ban it from public and school libraries (the book is about a prince who, instead of marrying a princess, decides to marry her brother).

According to a report by the Cybercast News Service (CNS), part of the social conservative Media Research Center, Peter LaBarbera of Americans for Truth about Homosexuality predictably proclaimed that King & King is being used to propagandize young children: "The homosexual movement is moving to push the behavior on young children, with the idea being that they can get to them before the natural moral opposition to homosexuality is even formed," LaBerbera said.

When CNS asked presidential candidates "Should teachers read the book to second graders as part of the school curriculum? Would you read it-or have read it-to your own children?":

"The answer is no," [Fred] Thompson's chief campaign spokesman told Cybercast News Service. "He's very clear. There is no wishy-washiness."

Romney is also opposed. "This is a subject that should be left to parents, not public school teachers," the former Massachusetts governor said in a statement. "We need to strengthen our families by passing a federal marriage amendment and also insisting on marriage before having children."

But IGF contributing author David Boaz offered a different take:

"Should the federal government require this book? I would say no. Should the federal government ban this book, no it shouldn't," Boaz told Cybercast News Service.

"But if the question is, should this book be in local libraries or in school districts, then I would say sure, why not? There are some gay families, so what's wrong with letting kids find out in a calm, non-hysterical way that there are different kinds of families in the world?"

Of course, both the left and the right often want to promote their own world views through government schools and libraries, which is why (as long as there are government schools and libraries) letting local school boards and library districts make book selection decisions, without state and federal interference, seems like the safest course.

Young Love, Older Love

My partner Mark and I introduced "Bob" and "Jim" at a dinner party at our place. Bob, 31, is recently out of the closet, and Jim, 27, just returned to the U.S. after living overseas for four years. We weren't trying to play matchmaker when we invited them, though the idea occurred to me as the party approached, and we rearranged the seating right before dinner to maximize their interaction.

That was two weeks ago. They've been inseparable since.

Young love is delightful, amusing, and-let's admit it-occasionally annoying. Delightful, because it reminds us of the simple joys in life. Amusing, because it makes grown people act like kids. Annoying for the same reason.

"Giddy as a schoolgirl," Mark reported after he had lunch with Jim later that week. "Ditto," I confirmed after checking in with Bob. To be candid, I was a tad envious. Having been out of the closet for two decades and in a wonderful relationship for six years, I am grateful for many gifts. Giddiness, however, seems like a bygone luxury.

Don't get me wrong: I wouldn't trade what I have. It even has its giddy moments from time to time. And I'm certainly thrilled for my young friends. Yet I know I'm not alone in feeling a tinge of jealously in the face of young romance.

I discussed this feeling with some friends who just celebrated their 10th anniversary. "Oh yeah, I know what you mean," one answered. "The most romantic thing we ever do anymore is share a flush." He was joking, of course, but the joke pointed to a deeper truth. Married life carries with it mundane rituals, the familiarity of which provides comfort. But this comfort comes at the cost of suspense, and thus a measure of excitement.

Part of the reason Bob and Jim are so giddy right now is that they mutually wonder "Does he really like me?" and then thrill at every affirmative indication. How joyous to expose oneself to another and have the risk rewarded with tenderness.

I don't wonder anymore whether Mark really likes me. I know he loves me, and vice-versa. A cynic would say that we're "taking each other for granted," and in one sense, that's true: part of the value of marriage is the knowledge that someone is there for you, always. With mutual commitment comes mutual security.

The danger of security, however, is complacency. It starts in small ways, many of them innocuous. If a person loves you "warts and all," then you don't feel the need to hide your warts, whatever form they take. Your unsightly back hair. Your stinky morning-breath. Your flatulence. Then there are the personality flaws you took pains to suppress during the courtship: your short temper, your constant tardiness, your fondness for Celine Dion. Soon, you don't even bother to conceal your vices, much less suppress them. You get lazy.

And thus you lose one of the great virtues of relationships: they encourage us to be better people. Initially, because we want to impress the other. Eventually, because we know they deserve it.

So as much as I envy Bob and Jim's honeymoon phase, I also take a lesson from it. Mark deserves my effort at least as much as Jim and Bob deserve each other's, as easy as it is to forget that in practice.

The good news is that ordinary things-done consistently over time-can make a big impact. Clearing the dishes even though it's his turn. Bringing home some of his favorite chocolates. Calling just to say hello. These events form the warp and weft of our relationships, our lives. I'm reminded of them every time our enemies try to reduce homosexuality to a "lifestyle." Loving someone is not a "lifestyle."

Similarly dismissive is our opponents' tendency to refer to "what homosexuals do in bed."

"My partner and I have been together over 25 years," an older gay friend recently remarked. "We do what most older couples do in bed. We sleep." He meant it as a punch-line, but it's no joke: sleeping with someone-not just next to someone, but with someone, for a quarter century-is an intimate and beautiful thing, morning-breath notwithstanding.

In this sense, it's good to "take someone for granted." That doesn't mean you stop valuing them. On the contrary, you learn that valuing goes beyond passive appreciation: it's an active commitment. You learn that love is not (or not merely) what you feel; it's what you do. You do it even when it feels mundane, which-if you're lucky-it eventually sometimes will.

John Corvino's "What's Morally Wrong with Homosexuality?" is now available on DVD.

Conduct Unbecoming

Not surprisingly, the GOP contenders in Wednesday's debate, when called on to answer the "Don't As, Don't Tell" question posed by Retired Brig. General Keith H. Kerr, gave exceedingly lame, party line ("unit cohesion must be perserved") responses. Too bad that under CNN's format only Hunter (there's some candidate named Hunter-who knew?), Huckabee, Romney and McCain were asked to answer. I don't honestly know if Rudy would have been shamed into deviating a bit from the party lockstep. But at least it was fun to watch Romney, now a DADT champion, refuse to address his 1994 declaration that he looked forward to the day when gays and lesbians could serve "openly and honestly in our nation's military."

Regrettably, CNN couldn't find a high-ranking, openly gay GOP veteran to ask the question, and instead (they claim inadvertently) went with Gen. Kerr (who was quickly identified as a steering committee member of "LGBT Americans for Hillary")- which allows Republicans to further sidestep the issue.

Editor's reminder: Impassioned debate is welcome, but gratuitous insults will be deleted. Repeat offenders will be banned.

The ’60s: Not the Way It Was

Tom Brokaw's book Boom! Voices of the Sixties: Personal Reflections on the Sixties and Today de-gays the decade that saw pioneering activists such as Frank Kameny, Barbara Gittings and others spearhead the modern gay rights movement.

In an interview with media critic Howard Kurtz, Brokaw puts up a defense:

KURTZ: I have heard some criticism of the book saying that you deal with civil rights, you deal with women's liberation, as it was called then, but you don't devote any time or space to the burgeoning gay rights movement....

BROKAW: I don't, because the gay rights movement came slightly later. It lifted off during that time and I had to make some choices about what I was going to concentrate on. The big issues were the anti-war movement, the counterculture.

But Kameny, in a letter to Brokaw, points out a few facts such as:

  • Starting in 1961, a long line of court cases attacked the long-standing U.S. Civil Service gay ban.

  • About 1963, a decade-long effort commenced to reverse the psychiatric categorization of gays as mentally or emotionally ill got underway.

  • In 1965, Kameny and a few other brave souls began picketing demonstrations at the White House and other government sites.

  • And, of course, June of '69 brought the Stonewall riots, three nights of police confrontation in New York's Greenwich Village following a raid on a gay bar.

I doubt Brokaw is personally homophobic, but his is a generation that, for the most part, still can't seem to take the struggle for gay equality seriously. Unquestionably that's true among social and religious conservatives, but it also keeps rearing up among secular and straight liberal stalwarts as well, and to a large extent informs the Democratic Party's tepid support for real gay equality (as exemplified in the previous post).