1) "Opposition to abortion and gay marriage will be the two issues for the social right. Forget about diversifying the portfolio or changing the emphasis. Not gonna happen on our watch." 2) "Never mind polls showing gradually increasing acceptance of gay marriage. Never mind the country's now-majority support for some form of publicly recognized same-sex partnership, even among younger evangelicals. Homosexuality is 'sexual immorality,' now and forever, and public sanction of same-sex sexual unions is unacceptable. Period." 3) "Don't even think about going squishy on either of these issues, because, if you do, we will split the movement. You have been warned. It's opposition to gay marriage to the bitter end...or civil war."I see the Declaration as part of the Republican/conservative drive toward a smaller, purer party/movement. I suspect it will help deliver the "smaller" part, anyway.
Uncategorized
Involuntary Servitude in the Name of ‘Equalty’?
Does "gay rights" mean denying a commercial photographer the freedom to choose what she will photograph? The Volokh Conspiracy reports that after Elaine Huguenin refused a lesbian couple's attempt to hire her to photograph their commitment ceremony, the New Mexico Human Rights Commission held that this violated state antidiscrimination law covering sexual orientation.
Huguenin says she exercises political judgment-hers-in deciding what to photograph (for instance, she also won't accept assignments to take photographs that positively portray abortion, pornography or nudity).
Writes law professor Eugene Volokh,
"…the New Mexico government is now telling Huguenin that she must create art works that she does not choose to create. There's no First Amendment case squarely on point, but this does seem pretty close to the cases in which the Court held that the government may not compel people to express views that they do not endorse."
Aside from the legal merits of violating Huguenin's liberty, just what do the offended lesbians who brought this action hope to accomplish by forcing Huguenin to work for them? It's the kind of totalitarian-leaning nastiness in the name of the self-righteous promotion of "equality" that would make Robespierre proud.
29 Comments
Communism Isn’t Cool
As a gay political activist, I find myself in some strange places, and every once in a while I encounter someone who loves Fidel Castro so much, you'd think he was the guy they named the San Francisco neighborhood after. In fact, many leading voices in America's gay community talk as if capitalism is the special province of oppressive white males. This, of course, does not stop them from enjoying capitalist comforts. Among these latter-day purveyors of radical chic, it is unfashionable to notice that the greatest advances for gay and lesbian rights have been in free-market Western democracies like the one they themselves are living in.While Citizen Crain's Kevin Ivers in Adios, Dictator focuses on Castro oppressive legacy:
There has not been a single believable tome, study, film or book that has come out in the half-century of Castro's dictatorship that credibly challenged the fundamental evidence underlining the fact that gay life under a dictatorship like Castro's is an experience that ranges from brief spates of hedonistic, secret joy, to dull agony and generalized daily anxiety, to outright terror-with no hope or possibility of civic redress.Just something to keep in mind the next time you see a gay guy working out in his Che Guevara t-shirt, celebrating Fidel's comrade and the designer of Cuba's concentration camps for homosexuals and other decadent, anti-social elements. (No doubt, he's also preparing to meet up with his buddies to march in the LGBT contingent of the anti-globalization rally.)
38 Comments
Foley’s Folly: A Lesson
It is early yet to talk about "the moral of the story" with respect to Mark Foley. Foley, a Republican congressman from Florida, resigned last week after it was revealed that he had been sending sexually explicit e-mails and instant messages to underage congressional pages. Here's a sample (the spelling is left uncorrected):
Foley: what you wearing
Teen: normal clothes
Teen: tshirt and shorts
Foley: um so a big buldge….
Foley: love to slip them off of you
Teen: haha
Foley: and [grab] the one eyed snake….
Teen: not tonight...dont get to excited
Foley: well your hard
Teen: that is true
Foley: and a little horny
Teen: and also tru
Foley: get a ruler and measure it for me
The FBI is investigating, and criminal charges appear likely. Though initial reports involved relatively tame e-mails to a sixteen-year-old former page, the IM's (such as the one cited above) appear to involve a different youth about whom little has been reported. The age-of-consent is 16 in D.C., but it's 18 in Florida, unless the accused is under 24 (Foley is 52).
Foley was long rumored to be gay. Nonetheless, he was a popular Republican congressman who prior to the scandal was considered a shoo-in for re-election. He was also the co-chairman of the House Caucus on Missing and Exploited Children, an outspoken foe of sexual predators on the Internet, and a vocal supporter of President Clinton's impeachment.
Hypocrite? Almost certainly. Child molester? Probably not. Sixteen- and seventeen-year-olds are not quite children (they're not quite adults, either), and there is no evidence yet that Foley actually made or attempted to make physical contact with the objects of his Internet dalliance. Still, as the congressman surely knew, Florida law makes it a third-degree felony to transmit "material harmful to minors by electronic device" and defines such material to include descriptions of "nudity, sexual conduct, or sexual excitement."
There's also the issue of sexual harassment and abuse of power. Even former pages have strong incentive to stay in the good graces of the congressmen who employed them. While the youth in the above exchange does not seem (judging from the text) to be terribly troubled by the banter, at least one other complained that Foley's advances were "sick sick sick sick sick…"
Without a doubt, Foley did some stupid, inappropriate, and unethical things. Granted, sexual desire causes many of us to do stupid (though not necessarily inappropriate or unethical) things from time to time. Granted, the case would garner a somewhat (though not completely) different reaction if Foley were female--and particularly, if he were an attractive female. If Foley looked like Demi Moore, the pages would be telling one another "Dude, yeah!!!" instead of "sick sick sick sick sick."
But the "gay angle" on this contains an important lesson, one that is unfortunately likely to be either distorted or missed entirely amidst the partisan political drama. It is that gay people, like everyone else, need healthy outlets for sexual expression. When those are blocked--because of political ambition or a repressive church or a right wing bent on ignoring basic science--cases like Foley's (or former Spokane mayor Jim West's or former New Jersey Governor Jim McGreevey's) become more likely, as do far greater tragedies like the Catholic Church's sex-abuse scandal.
This is not to deny that Foley is responsible for his actions. There is no contradiction in holding a person fully responsible for wrongdoing and holding others responsible for enhancing the conditions that make such wrongdoing likely.
The right wing is doing just that by refusing to face some simple facts: There are gay people in the world. Gay people need love and affection like everyone else. When people repress that need in themselves or others, it tends to assert itself in unfortunate and sometimes tragic ways.
Like most people, I want to shake Mark Foley and yell: What the hell were you thinking? But I also want to add the following: It didn't have to be this way. There are young men of legal age who are not your subordinates who would have been happy to remove their shorts for you. And there would have been nothing wrong with that per se. An open, honest, consensual sex life is not only possible for gay men; it's healthy. The alternatives can be disastrous.
Yes, it is early to talk about the moral of the story. But there are lessons to be learned, and we ignore them at our peril.
17 Comments
With Marriage an Option, Who Needs DP Benefits?
Now that it's about to be legal for same-sex couples to marry in Massachusetts, some employers in the Bay State are eliminating domestic-partner benefits, requiring employees to say "I do" to their significant others if they want them to share their employer-provided family benefits such as health care coverage, reports the AP.
This, I believe, is appropriate. As I wrote a decade ago in a
column title "Honey, Did You Raise the Kids?":
"Domestic partnership benefits should be a stopgap measure for gays and lesbians until we achieve full marriage rights (based on legally recognized commitments)."
I also argued that:
"Offering benefits to unmarried heterosexuals might in fact contribute to family breakdown by discouraging committed relationships."
I'd now change that, in Massachusetts at least, to read "unmarried heterosexuals and homosexuals.
The AP story says that Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center, one
of the state's largest employers, will drop domestic-partner
benefits for Massachusetts residents at the end of this
year:
"The original reason for domestic-partner benefits was to recognize that same-sex couples could not marry," Beth Israel spokesman Jerry Berger said. "Now that they can, they are essentially on the same footing as heterosexual couples."
That's about right (though gay couples will still lack the
important federal benefits associated with marriage, from social
security inheritance to naturalization of a foreign-born spouses).
Still, there's no need for employers to continue paying for
benefits to partners who shack up but can't quite make the
commitment to the emotional, financial, and legal intermingling
that full marriage entails.
0 Comments
Welcome.
Welcome to “Steve Miller’s Culture Watch,” the new web log (i.e., “blog”) from the Independent Gay Forum. Steve Miller would be me (or, according to my formal byline, “Stephen H. Miller). I’ve been writing about gay politics and culture for a number of years, with a column that’s appeared off and on in several gay publications. Now IGF is giving me a chance to host their blog and to present not only my thoughts about the latest developments, but to pass along those of other IGFers as well — with the hope of getting more of you into the habit of surfing over here more often.
Briefly, I’d like to thank Mike Airhart for doing a tremendous job of redesigning the homepage to accommodate the blog, Jon Rauch for proposing the idea and moving it forward, IGF’s webmaster Walter Olson and editor Paul Varnell for their constructive suggestions, and the many others who”ve provided feedback. And David Boaz, for his ongoing support. Official disclaimer: The views and opinions to be expressed herein should not be taken as representing the “official” IGF party line. Actually, IGF wouldn’t know what to do with a party line; we’re not “party” animals, and instead prefer to question the received orthodoxy of the moment. So here goes:
Frightening stuff: The AP reported on Feb. 15 that, in awarding custody of three teen-agers to their father over their lesbian mother, the chief justice of the Alabama Supreme Court wrote that homosexuality is “an inherent evil” and shouldn’t be tolerated. The case involved a Birmingham man and his ex-wife, who now lives with her same-sex partner in southern California.
Just to be sure he was making himself clear, Chief Justice Roy Moore wrote that the mother’s relationship made her an unfit parent and that homosexuality is “abhorrent, immoral, detestable, a crime against nature, and a violation of the laws of nature.”
You may recall, this is the same Judge Roy Moore who’s now the target of two federal lawsuits over his installation of a 4-foot monument of the Ten Commandments in the rotunda of the state judicial building in Montgomery, and who defends his actions by proclaiming “This is a Christian nation.”
The AP quotes David White, state coordinator for the Gay and Lesbian Alliance of Alabama, who observed “It’s unfortunate Alabama is going to be embarrassed once again by a religious fanatic in a position of power.” Clearly. John Giles, state president of the Christian Coalition, had to defend this bilge, telling the AP that Moore’s decision protected the institution of marriage and strengthened the traditional family.
Forcing the anti-gay right to support unmitigated, out-of-control, foaming-at-the-mouth homophobia is actually a good thing; no “We’re just opposed to special rights” dissembling here. Naked prejudice may still play well in a few backwaters, but it’s a huge turnoff to a growing majority. Too often, gay activists accuse the right of “hate-mongering.” But when the shoe fits.
Update: On the Feb. 20 edition of his top-rated Fox News show, Bill O’Reilly grilled the Christian Coalition’s John Giles, who was there to defend Moore’s vitriol (“a good, Christian family man” is the good Judge, after all, according to Giles). O’Reilly, no friend of the politically correct left, to be sure, declared that he was “appalled” by Judge Moore’s rant, and observed that a gay person couldn’t expect to be treated fairly in his court. O’Reilly has taken on gay activists, so it was excellent to see that he can distinguish between gay people — who can and do face real discrimination — from those who would declare themselves to be our leaders, often with their own political agendas. Conservative commentators, of course, have no problem separating women, say, from professional feminists, but too often they’ve treated the loudest — and most radical — of the “progressive gay vanguard” as representative of your average Joe Gay Guy and Jill Lesbian. Good to see that this is no longer automatically true.
The other BIG news story making the wires: As first reported in the Sacramento Bee, UC Berkeley has suspended a male sexuality class. Among the allegations, it seems a group of students chose as their final project a trip to a gay strip club, where “students watched instructors strip and have sex.” To be fair, the course was offered under the university’s “democratic education” or “de-cal” program. As such, it was sponsored but not funded by the university, and run by “student instructors” (but could still be taken for credit toward graduation). So, is it another sign of academic decadence plus Left Coast debauchery, or much ado about a little class excursion that got out of hand? Probably there’s a lot less here then the lurid headlines suggest, but it will still be fodder for the religious rights fundraising efforts.
An interesting article on Feb. 12 in the New York Times about Connecticut lawmakers debating two “gay family” bills — the first to legalize same-sex marriages (call it the “full monty” version) and the second to recognize civil unions between same-sex partners (the “Vermont compromise,” as it were). I hadn’t realized it, but the Nutmeg State has an impressively gay supportive track record. It was the third in the nation to adopt a gay rights law in 1991, and in 2000 the Co-Parent Adoption Law was passed, extending adoption rights to the same-sex partner of a child’s legal parent or guardian. Naturally, those opposed to the measures argued that the result would be to — divorced marriage from morality.” In the words of Bishop Peter Rosazza (who spoke on behalf of the Connecticut Catholic Conference), same-sex unions had not passed the test of time to be deemed successful. Moreover, “The change shouldn’t only benefit individuals, but society,” he opined.
But by that line of reasoning nothing new could ever be tried, since it would by definition not have been time tested. It’s an argument for stasis. And the good bishop’s observation that changes must benefit “society” rather than “individuals” is downright collectivistic. He manages to veer both left and right in opposing the measures — and still gets it wrong on all counts.
0 Comments
Honey, Did You Raise the Kids?
First appeared January 14, 1994, in Frontiers (Los Angeles).
A HEADLINE on the coveted front page of the New York Times blared out, "County in Texas Snubs Apple Over Unwed Partner Policies." The story, which had percolated through the gay press before it was discovered by "the paper of record" and the rest of the national media, concerned the now infamous decision by Williamson County, Texas, to deny Apple Computer a tax abatement to build an $80 million office complex just north of Austin.
The deal, with the promise of 1,500 or more high-tech, high-wage jobs, was originally nixed over Apple's policy of granting unmarried partners of its employees - whether heterosexual or homosexual - the same health benefits conferred on spouses. Following intense arm-twisting by Texas Gov. Ann Richards, the county commission changed its mind - but clearly not its heart.
According to the Times account, the county's straight-laced commissioners felt Apple's policy undermined "traditional family values" and should not receive taxpayer support. The country "was not founded on same-sex lovers and live-in lovers," one opponent proclaimed. "It goes to what kind of morals you want to set for your community," argued another.
The typical take on all this is that virulent anti-gay bigotry is on a roll. "It's remarkable that in these economically difficult times, this blatant prejudice would prevail over smart business decisions," concluded William Rubenstein, director of the ACLU's Lesbian and Gay Rights Project. Now I wouldn't for one instant question that the good folks of Williamson County are deeply homophobic and homo-ignorant, but something else is also evident in their actions - omething that the gay movement would do well to consider if it hopes to start winning political victories outside major urban centers.
Some employers, such as Lotus Development Corp., provide benefits to gay partners but not to unmarried heterosexuals. But Apple, like most city governments that have established domestic partner benefits, grants them to unmarried straight employees as well. What's wrong with that? Nothing, say those who view marriage as a stifling, patriarchal institution that should be undermined regardless of whether children are involved. But plenty is wrong with it, in light of overwhelming evidence about the effect of family breakups that leave kids without fathers who provide financial support and act as paternal role models.
"As long as women continue to have relationships with, and continue to bear the children of men who do not marry them, men will continue to be absent fathers," William Raspberry, a black columnist, wrote last month in his syndicated column. "The breakdown of family really does... lead to a culture whose rules of behavior are established by unsocialized adolescent males."
While the situation is most familiar in terms of the underclass African-American family (two-thirds of black births are now to single women), family breakdown should not be seen as a racial issue. Scholar Charles Murray noted these facts on the op-ed page of the Wall Street Journal last October: At the beginning of the 1970s some 6 percent of white births were illegitimate; in 1991 the figure was 22 percent. With the current growth trend implying a 40 percent illegitimacy rate by the year 2000, the prospect for a huge white underclass is looming.
It is not only conservatives who share this view. Liberal, progay columnist Richard Cohen hailed Murray's warning, declaring a host of social pathologies - including crime, drugs, poverty and hopelessness?as "a clear consequence" of illegitimacy. "Without mature males as role models (not to mention disciplinarians)," Cohen wrote, about 1.2 million American children annually are "growing up unsocialized - prone to violence, unsuitable for employment and thus without prospect or hope." He added, "It's clear that the American taxpayer is losing patience."
Which brings us back to Apple. A corporate policy which appears to condone relationships without responsibility does threaten social stability, based on child-rearing within coherent families. Again, I don't doubt the effect of anti-gay bigotry in Williamson County, but linking benefits for gay partners who are not allowed to be married with benefits for heterosexuals who don't want to make a commitment puts the gay rights movement in the position of appearing to oppose all bedrock values -- and plays directly into the hands of the religious right, which argues that the "gay agenda" is to destroy the moral foundation of Western civilization!
Alas, an otherwise positive goal - supporting child-rearing within stable families - is now bound up with the rest of the right wing's cultural program in all its exclusionary mean-spiritedness. But instead of exposing the sophistry of lumping gay rights (which would expand the range of families) with real anti-family phenomena such as unwed teen mothers and deadbeat dads, gay activists champion partner benefits for all. When New York state's top court, in response to a suit by gay rights groups, upheld the right of gay survivors to take over rent-stabilized apartments when a lover dies, activists rushed to point out that the decision also covered unmarried men and women living together?as if that made the decision "better."
How much more constructive it would be if our movement, while pushing for full marriage rights, stopped making alliances with cultural leftists favoring benefits for unwed heteros. As David Boaz advocates in the January 1994 issue of Liberty, a libertarian journal, workers should be told "if you want the benefits of marriage, get married; but if the state won't let you get married, we'll be more progressive." Benefits, he asserts, should not be seen "as one more goodie to hand out," but "as a way of remedying an unfairness, not to mention retaining valued employees."
He's right. Domestic partnership benefits should be a stopgap measure for gays and lesbians until we achieve full marriage rights (based on legally recognized commitments). And, with legislators in Minnesota and elsewhere now introducing bills to specifically prohibit recognition of same-sex marriages (even if validated in other states), that fight is just beginning.
0 Comments
Masculinity Under Siege
From Christopher Street magazine, Issue 209, January 1994.
THE END OF MANHOOD
by John Stoltenberg
Published 1993, Dutton, 311 pp.
1998, hardcover reprint edition, Replica Books
Review by Stephen H. Miller
Once, I'm told, as Vito Russo and a group of friends disembarked from the Fire Island ferry, someone yelled out, "Here come the 'girls.'"
"We're not 'girls,'" Vito shot back. "We're men who fuck men."
This story about Vito (whose death from AIDS, together with the deaths of so many activists during the '80s, eliminated a generation of gay-male leadership), puts front and center a question gay men have danced around but never adequately confronted: Just what does "manhood" mean in a gay context?
The ambiguity of gay men's relationship to manhood isn't hard to understand, since so many of us grew up in a homophobic world that told us, repeatedly, that we're less than men. Add to the mix feminism's often strident assault on maleness as the root of all evil and it's inevitable gay men's assessment of their own manhood would be conflicted -- ranging from the all-out rejection of masculinity to its exaggerated, worshipful embrace.
John Stoltenberg, in "The End of Manhood: A Book for Men of Conscience," takes the former position, and boy does he take it. "The male sex is an abstract fiction. Penises exist. The male sex does not," writes the author, who goes on to laud "the radical feminist critique of gender" which has made possible "an epochal insight into sexuality and personal identity."
And what does this insight consist of? "Manhood is a personal and social hoax that exists only through interpersonal and social injustice," for one. "You can only inhabit the manhood 'I' in the act of addressing someone as 'You who are less than me.'" Still with me?
At the root of his argument, Stoltenberg postulates a fundamental dichotomy - that the social construct of "manhood" cannot possibly co-exist with what he terms authentic "selfhood." He rejects the notion that manhood can be in any way revised or redeemed through "revisioning" or "remythologizing" - one of many missives aimed at poet Robert Bly, author of the best-selling book "Iron John" and a leader of the "mythopoetic" stream of the men's movement. "That project is utterly futile, and we all have to give it up," he decrees. Manhood as an identity, in short, is driven by feelings of sexual possession and ownership. It presupposes endless competition to prove one's manhood in relation to others - a zero-sum game predicated on violence, intimidation and humiliation.
If this sounds familiar, it will come as no surprise to learn that Stoltenberg dedicates his book to Andrea Dworkin. In fact, Stoltenberg, who describes himself as "a radical profeminist" writer and lecturer (he is also the co-founder of Men Against Pornography), has shared a Park Slope apartment with Dworkin for years. Dworkin, of course, is a leading anti-porn theorist whose books contend that heterosexual intercourse is essentially a euphemism for rape.
It is widely reported that Dworkin is a lesbian and Stoltenberg a gay man. Nowhere in this book, at any rate, does Stoltenberg define himself. But since the essence of the work is that identity should not be gender-specific, this really isn't unexpected. He writes, "There is no circumscribed set of sexual feelings that are definitionally 'male.' The presence of a penis does not correlate with the definitional presumption [of maleness, as socially defined] in any meaningful way."
When he does talk about sex, Stoltenberg argues for abandoning the "manhood mode" since it's an inherently predatory identity. "Many penised humans attempt sexual relations in manhood mode as if meaningful consent can occur," he writes, arguing, of course, that it can't. "By definition the transaction must include someone's being treated as closer to nobody, otherwise no one gets closer to manhood."
Elsewhere, he writes, "Some humans born with 'male' sexual anatomy have realized that their preferred experience of coitus is an embrace, not a stab. For them, the subjective feeling that one is violating another person's body is simply emotionally impossible." To paraphrase, male lust = violation.
While a good deal of the book is devoted to a critique of sexuality in "manhood mode," just what sexuality consists of in "selfhood mode" for "penised humans" is left rather fuzzy, although at one point Stoltenberg contends, among other possibilities, "There can be orgasm without penile erection and ejaculation." Multiple orgasms, in fact. Elsewhere he recommends "choosing...not to fixate on fucking." And, of course, as an anti-pornography crusader, he warns against inappropriate visual stimulations that objectify and dehumanize.
Finally, in a virtuoso denial of any natural, underlying distinctions between the sexes (remember, "'the male sex' is a political and ethical construction"), Stoltenberg minimizes the physiological differences between a penis and a clitoris, blaming sex researchers for using "arbitrary criteria [to] fudge human experience in order to make 'scientific' distinctions between 'female and male categories' of human sexuality."
Such arguments give credence to much-maligned Camille Paglia's otherwise arch contention, in her book "Sex, Art, and American Culture," that "What feminists are asking is for men to be castrated, to make eunuchs out of them." Paglia, in sharp contrast, finds sex "a turbulent power that we are not in control of; it's a dark force. ... It's the dark realm of the night." Stoltenberg's rejection of sex's uncontrollable, Dionysian nature, his contempt of raw, aggressive, combustible masculinity, leave the impression his brave, new unisex world would be about as passion-filled as an afternoon nap.
It would be comforting to dismiss Stoltenberg as an extremist and an aberration, but (and it's a sad comment on contemporary feminism), that isn't so. In an article entitled "Feminism's Identity Crisis" in The Atlantic, Wendy Kaminer writes that only five years ago Dworkin and fellow anti-porn/anti-manhood feminist Catharine MacKinnon were leaders of a feminist fringe. "Today," reports Kaminer, "owing partly to the excess of multiculturalism and the exaltation of victimization, they're leaders in the feminist mainstream."
To understand how Stoltenberg fits into this current feminist mission, his attacks on Robert Bly are revealing. For instance, he creates a satire about the testimony of Coach "Irony" John (get it?) before a National Commission on Manhood and has his parody proclaim: "Where I come from, the Great State of Athletic Prowess, you learn there's a right way to fuck and a wrong way to fuck. The right way is when you have somebody beneath you. The wrong way is when you don't [Laughter]."
In an adoring blurb for the book, Gloria Steinem writes, "I hope Robert Bly reads `The End of Manhood' and discovers the real men's movement away from masculinity and toward full humanity." But Bly's "Iron John� is a work of brilliance, an exploration of the lost sense of the masculine soul, which is both protective and emotionally centered, and a call for men to overcome the habit of not talking together about their lives, their grief, their woundedness (much of which results from being inadequately fathered, by fathers who were inadequately fathered).
But feminist Bly-bashing has a larger agenda - to discredit the new wave of Bly-inspired male-bonding at the heart of the mythopoetic men's movement (which is seen as a threat to the so-called feminist men's movement - really a male-deprecating adjunct to the women's movement). Many feminists feel there's just got to be a sinister, anti-women slant to what goes on during those men-only retreats in the woods.
I suspect, in fact, most of Stoltenberg's readers will be feminist women looking for still another work validating their contempt for men (a special prologue has thoughtfully been included for women readers). But it's too easy to simply dismiss him. Like other manifestations of political correctness born of academic feminism, the absolutist denigration of masculinity as a concept is gaining ground. What's perplexing about all this is not so much radical feminism's war against male sexuality, in toto, but the fervor with which so many guilt-ridden gay men buy into it.
Historically, though, there are reasons, and a big one is called AIDS. The community of masculine-affirmative "clones," the sexual outlaws who redefined and celebrated gay male sexuality in the '70s, has been decimated. Lesbian feminists, having achieved a dominant role in the women's movement, rushed in to fill the cultural void - despite the fact that lesbianism and gay male sexuality have vastly different behavioral patterns and psychological dynamics.
The result: no real movement exists for gay men to focus on gay-male issues, while the "lesbian and gay movement" has assimilated some of the worst ideology of feminist male-bashing (often camouflaged as gay-white-male-bashing, to ensure political correctness).
Nowadays, there is a virtual absence of the kind of gay-male space that could facilitate deeper explorations of gay manhood and gay-male bonding (much as women-only space has done for lesbians). The anti-manhood view has been so thoroughly assimilated that no one questions lesbian-only political and social groups, while gay male groups would be viewed as an anti-women conspiracy. One example: In New York, lesbians seeking to commune with women while escaping to the country can join Hikin' Dykes. Men have the option of camping with Sundance, which is a male and female group, but there's no gay-male specific organization to combine male-bonding and rural recreation.)
Gay men contribute to the National Center for Lesbian Rights and cheer the actions of the Lesbian Avengers; there is no National Center for Gay Male Rights to focus exclusively on gay-male issues such as defending the right to child visitation (or custody) when a former spouse, backed by homophobic courts, says no. There is no gay-male direct action group. It would be deemed sexist and exclusionary.
The National Gay and Lesbian Task Force, having abandoned its former policy of alternating between male and female executive directors, just appointed its third consecutive female head. "Diversity training" throughout the movement attacks the "male perspective" as a vestige of patriarchy and extols nonhierarchical, consensus-based (and often completely unworkable and nonproductive) organizational structures. (By the way, it's high time someone pointed out that demanding "consensus" is seldom a sign of democracy.)
Gay sexuality may have taken the worst hit of all from the new Zeitgeist. The Advocate magazine has banished nearly all vestiges of male sexuality from its pages. The celebration of gay eros, once so central to gay liberation, is now deemed politically incorrect by publications for "the lesbian and gay community." In fact, we've returned to the point at which the erotic, instead of being savored as a fully integrated aspect of gayness, is permissible only if segregated from all other areas of gay life (as in sex clubs or porn publications).
Even here, some lesbian feminists will not tolerate an autonomous gay-male space, and many gay men are all too willing to acquiesce without any sense of what's being lost. Witness the requirement that Mr. Leather contests simultaneously anoint Ms. Leather titleholders, or (on the admittedly extreme verge) attempts in the '80s to turn J.O. clubs into "jack- and jill-off" clubs. No wonder gay men have no sense of what gay masculinity could be.
All this is further evidence of the descent of the women's movement into sexist chauvinism of the worst sort, comparable to nationalism or white supremacism. If you think the analogy overheated, look into the Michigan's Womyn's Music Festival rounding up and expelling male-to-female transsexuals who attempted to attend. The festival's organizers determined that, due to the transsexuals' patriarchal socialization, their "male energy" polluted the gathering. (Interestingly, this may reflect the schism between feminists who see maleness as a pernicious essence and those who, like Stoltenberg, view manhood as a social construct that, while deeply rooted, can eventually be weeded out of society.)
Of course, the issue is complicated by the fact that "manhood" is often equated in straight society with anti-gay machismo. But while male homosexuality is grounded in a complex interplay of active and receptive, yin and yang, gay men are still men - including male gender-benders. Leaving aside male transsexuals, who feel they are essentially women (are you listening, Michigan Womyn's Music Festival?), most drag queens delight in the complex interplay of masculine and feminine. It's what makes them so special. Without that vital, underlying masculine component, drag queens would each be just "one of the girls," which assuredly they are not.
Liberated gay manhood - free, multifaceted, but unquestionably (and proudly) male - could contribute to revising and liberating masculinity for all men (per Bly), just as lesbians played a central role in women's liberation struggles. But this transformation will never happen if (per Stoltenberg) men are instructed that the path to nirvana lies in a rejection of all that is uniquely valuable - and vital - within the masculine archetype. What a pity if misguided feminist women and their male compatriots, alienated from the potential within their own manhood, continue to prevent such a renewal.
THE MYTH OF MALE POWER
by Warren Farrell, Ph.D
1993, Simon & Schuster, 446 pp.
Review by Stephen H. Miller
Don't expect Gloria Steinem to write an admiring jacket blurb for The Myth of Male Power, although author Warren Farrell was the only man elected three times to the board of the National Organization for Women (NOW) in New York City and, as such, was once Steinem's close comrade. The reason: Farrell is an apostate who abandoned the cause, finding that feminism took a wrong turn away from equality and toward an ideology of female victimization driven by male-bashing.
Farrell's book is chock-a-block with documentation challenging much of the accepted wisdom about alleged male privilege, including, for example:
- Income disparity: "The U.S. Census Bureau finds that women who are heads of households have a net worth that is 141 percent of the net worth of men who are heads of households," income figures for married women are lower because many choose not to work full time;
- Health funding: "Why does breast cancer receive over 600 percent more funding than prostate cancer [even though men are] almost as likely to die from prostate cancer as women from breast cancer?";
- Life expectancy: "In 1920 women in the United States lived one year longer than men. Today women live seven years longer");
- The work obligation gap: "When all child care, all housework, all work outside the home, commuting and gardening were added together, husbands did 53 percent of the total work, wives 47 percent."
Farrell, who doesn't ignore gay issues, traces the roots of homophobia to the fact that gay men were viewed as refusing to provide an economic security blanket for women. "Do we actually care less about the lives of men who are unwilling to reproduce and to protect? Our initial lack of attention to AIDS - until it became apparent that heterosexuals were also at risk - makes our attitude quite transparent."
Yes, I'm sure in some cases Farrell overstates his case, but all told the book is an overdue tonic for knee-jerk nostrums about male predation and female victimization.