Gay Marriage: Ready, Set …

Originally published in the Windy City Times on March 12, 1998.

IT IS LIKE WAITING FOR THE OTHER SHOE to drop. At some point in the near future, either the Hawaii Supreme Court or some other court is almost surely going to rule that the state must recognize same-sex marriages.

The effect is going to be remarkable.

For one thing, conservative religious and political groups are going to go absolutely berserk. You cannot imagine how much you are going to hear about how the United States has turned into Sodom, how Satan has seized control of the country, how that makes the second coming of Christ imminent, and how all this proves that the world is going to end at the turn of the Millennium.

Evangelical Protestants, the Catholic hierarchy, and their conservative political allies are going to put almost irresistible pressure on state legislatures to bar recognition of gay marriages performed in other states. Roughly half the states (26) have already enacted such prohibitions, but pressure will now mount in the other states since the issue will no longer be merely theoretical. Few of our state advocacy groups have the resources to resist this pressure, so we will probably lose in more than half those states.

But put aside the legal and political issues. How is gay marriage going to affect us? The two most important results will be how it affects heterosexuals' view of us and how it affects our view of ourselves.

For one thing, it is going to feel very strange. For the first time in your life you are going to actually be able to consider marrying someone you love, with all the attendant duties, obligations, and considerable cultural freight that the institution of marriage brings with it. We have had no practice in thinking about that even as a possibility.

Gays and lesbians who are already coupled will have to think through whether their commitment to each other extends as far as the more complicated and difficult-to-disentangle structure of marriage.

Some couples will hasten to marry immediately, eager to take advantage of the new opportunity and sure that their commitment to each other can optimally be expressed within the legal and cultural structure of marriage. Very likely you know at least one gay couple who is making plans to fly to Hawaii to marry within a month of the decision. Even if they live in a state that bars gay marriage they will do it to "make it legal" as much as possible.

Other couples may choose to marry hoping that legal structure will solidify an unstable or uncertain relationship. But many of those will find, as heterosexual couples have found for centuries, that marriage is not a panacea, that it does not improve the other person (in fact, often the opposite), and that you get out of marriage just about what you put into it.

Yet other couples may feel that their relationship is fine the way it is and decide not to marry. But that in itself will look like a statement about the relationship since they are not taking the newly available further step. That is, relationships that previously looked and felt fully "committed" now if not legalized may seem "not fully committed," even "keeping our options open" without any inherent change in the relationship. Family and friends will wonder if the couple really is committed -- even if the couple really is. That may be disconcerting for some couples.

Those who are single will likely begin to notice mild, subtle encouragement by friends, relatives and other gay couples to "settle down," "tie the knot" and so forth, when marriage becomes available, just as single heterosexuals feel those pressures. On the whole they are harmless and well-meaning. Every culture or society, after all, tends to develop favored forms of behavior, certain ways they expect most people to behave, forms that are believed to conduce to the social benefit.

No doubt, partnerships stabilize gay people's lives somewhat and gay marriage probably will solidify gay partnerships somewhat more, even for those that are not monogamous-perhaps especially those that are not monogamous. The legal bond may help them over rough spots in the relationship and guarantee a kind of rootedness no matter their occasional deviations. So there is a kind of tacit rationale for the social pressures, although it is prudent to remember that such pressures usually aim at social stability and predictability rather than individual happiness.

It will certainly be easy enough to resist that mild pressure. But even so, for single gays, the fact that you will be able to marry will now linger in the back of your mind when you go home with someone for sex, when you go on a date, when you start "seeing" someone. The fact that you could actually marry this person means you will be asking yourself if you really would want to, and that may subtly encourage many of us to take our casual relationships with other gays a little more seriously. That realization will take a while to develop, though, as gays learn to think and talk about marriage and the role they want it to play in their lives.

In any case, however, I suspect that our new ability to marry, even if in just a few states, will inevitably encourage most heterosexual people to take us, our lives, and our partnerships more seriously. If the law stipulates that our partnerships are the legal equivalent of theirs, that will be considerable encouragement for them to begin thinking of us and our lives as equal to them and their lives. Far more than non-discrimination laws, that is pretty much exactly what our long-sought goal of social equality consists of.

But there is more to it than that. Many heterosexuals have in the back of their minds, and some are still brought up to believe, the notion that a marriage certificate basically says, "Sex is OK now." So when gay men start getting marriage certificates, people are going to see the law as asserting not only the equality of our relationships, but an equal status and dignity for our sexual behavior. And that, for many people will be a remarkable and startling thought.

Religious conservatives, of course, will loathe it, because they have known all along that the bottom line of their hostility to gays is our sexual behavior. They feel that if you cannot maintain that homosexual acts are wrong, then you cannot claim that anything at all is wrong, "everything is permitted," and moral chaos will reign. That is why gay marriage upsets them so, why they will fight it with every resource they have.

They are wrong, of course, but we must win to show them that.

Value-Phobia in the Gay Community

FOR ALL OUR TALK about breaking down societal taboos and giving voice to unpopular points of view, we homosexuals have a verboten topic all our own. We have an awfully difficult time talking about moral values.

It's easy enough to understand why. All our lives, lesbians and gay men have been hammered into submission by "family values" rhetoric and the social and legal condemnation that has come along with it. Understandably, we are wary of the coercive power of public morality and the relative ease with which media-hungry politicians and religious leaders use talk about "values" as a wedge to divide folks into convenient camps: American vs. un-American, the saved vs. the damned, us vs. them.

Our collective take on the historical role of public "values" in this country is not an attractive one. Judeo-Christian moral values have been used, many would say warped, to subdue ethnic minorities (particularly blacks) and women into second-class citizenship, while reserving full participation in American society for the archetypal "straight white male," especially those of the WASP variety.

One by one, each of these oppressed groups has thrown off the yoke of value-laden discrimination, and has won civil rights, cultural acceptance, and greater involvement in the life of the nation.

Now that it looks to be our turn (finally) to live our lives without moral condemnation from the outside, we gays seem loath to open up Pandora's box and allow a free-flowing dialogue of our own about the "lifestyle choices" we make as gay men and lesbians.

And woe to those who dare try to broach that forbidden subject matter. We eat these heretics for lunch - pasting them with vicious personal attacks, impugning their motives, overstating their positions and, most discouraging of all, tarring them as "self-righteous" and accusing them of acting like the Queer Moral Majority.

The ones on the cultural right take the most heat. Gabriel Rotello, Michelangelo Signorile, Andrew Sullivan, Camille Paglia, even Larry Kramer - all caricatured as hypocritical, bitchy moralizing airbags in something of a hysterical (panicked!?) over-reaction to their very passionate arguments about the kind of world we homosexuals should be working toward.

Drug use, unsafe sex, public sex, religion, sexism - each of us makes choices in these areas that affect our lives and the culture and society we share. Why shouldn't these issues be open to vigorous, respectful and civil debate?

To be sure, none of these cultural critics is beyond personal criticism. And some sling mud at their intellectual rivals with at least as much vigor as do their critics.

But is that the point? Should personal attacks pass muster as social criticism? Is it all about engaging in a contest for whose private life best reflects her moral philosophy?

We need to find a language with which we can talk about values without difference of opinion being mistaken for condemnation. Otherwise, we have managed to take live-and-let-live moral relativism to an all new level: Not only is your morality your own business, but when someone else shares her ideas about values and life choices, she's somehow violating your "moral space."

Why be offended when someone else questions your ethical choices? Because it might make you second-guess your own value system? Because you're sick and tired of having to defend your life to someone else, thank you very much? To bow out of that conversation is to check out of life, or at least a thoughtful, examined life.

We'll never win the hearts and minds of Judeo-Christian middle Americans if they adopt the same head-in-the-sand intransigence to our view of how the world should be.

Let's set an example, as a community, of how folks can thoughtfully and respectfully examine their individual value systems without condemnation, recrimination or involving governmental coercion.

False Bennett: Gay-Bashing by the Numbers

First appeared in the New Republic January 5 and 12, 1998.

WASHINGTON IS THE CAPITAL of awkward alliances, but few are more revealing than Bill Bennett's recent espousal of the work of one Paul Cameron. In an appearance on ABC's "This Week," and then in the pages of The Weekly Standard, Bennett has openly declared that research shows that the average life span for a male homosexual in America is 43 years. In the Standard, Bennett was so thrilled and shocked by this discovery that he repeated it in italics: "Forty-three."

The source for this information, as Bennett subsequently revealed, is a researcher named Paul Cameron. Loyal TNR readers will fondly remember this curious character. (See "Queer Science," by Mark Pietrzyk, The New Republic, October 3, 1994.) As Pietrzyk reported, Cameron was expelled by the American Psychological Association in 1983 for misrepresenting the findings of others and engaging in dubious research techniques. Among Cameron's "findings" are that 52 percent of male heterosexuals have shoplifted and that twelve percent have either attempted or committed murder.

Over the years he has also argued that gay men are responsible for up to one half of all child abuse cases (despite making up maybe two percent of the population), that they are ten to 20 times more likely to molest children than heterosexuals, and that fully half of all sex murderers are homosexuals. One of Cameron's "studies" included 41 gay men out of a total sample of 4,340 adults. Another was based on interviews with 34 serial killers. One of his "pamphlets" is illustrated by a photograph of an adult male arm dragging a small boy into a public restroom. This is what the former secretary of education thinks is social science.

Bennett's favorite Cameron statistic -- the average life span of 43 for all gay men -- is based on obituaries from gay newspapers during the height of the AIDS epidemic. Useful for some things, that plague! But even then, the statistic is misleading. As any student of these papers knows, the obit sections -- which scarcely existed before AIDS -- are primarily ways to commemorate openly gay people who have died early deaths. (An indication of this is that the same study found that the average age of gay men who died of causes other than AIDS was 42.) These neighborhood papers -- with very limited pages -- in no way attempt to record all homosexual deaths, and rarely do so. In fact, there's no database, in a still closeted world, that could. The statistic, in other words, is based on a skewed sample of a subset of homosexuals in a grotesquely atypical period. It's about as reliable as basing a statistical survey of death rates in the general population from people admitted to emergency rooms.

But this, in some respects, is hardly revealing. There have always been hate-filled cranks out there. What's revealing is that Bennett clearly couldn't care less about the source of his data. It's a great sound bite, the kind of thing that sticks in the mind, something that, even when it's exposed, carries a useful political punch. In the letters section of the Standard, Bennett cites not only Cameron for his early death point, but another man, this time with a medical degree: Jeffrey Satinover. Satinover has argued in print that all gay men are pathological and compulsive; that the most effective policy for them is a fundamentalist religious conversion; and that the Renaissance "could have just as easily been called 'The Great Death,'" since it killed off the anti-pagan hegemony of "Judeo-Christianity" in favor of modern science.

I have no idea whether Bill Bennett regrets the Renaissance, but there is little doubt about his facile use of "facts." Just as typical was Bennett's casual reference on "This Week" to "the great continuing interest of the homosexual male community into [sic] recruiting children into its ranks." Note the generalization. Bennett blithely accuses a whole group of people of wanting to commit the most heinous crime against innocents, with no evidence whatsoever. It was the device once used by anti-Semites. Why should it not now be used by a leading conservative intellectual? And among his "plain evidence" for this in the Standard were remarks by gay leaders condemning pedophilia! Go figure.

No, what's truly revealing is what he infers from his recitation of a gay male life span of 43 years. Does he argue that this shocking "statistic" makes it more essential for gay men to practice safe sex? No: Bennett seems uninterested in that debate insofar as it pertains to gay men (and he has opposed safe-sex education for gay teens). Does he argue that gay men should be monogamous to cut down HIV transmission? Well, not if it means implementing any measures to foster gay monogamy, such as the right to marry or even domestic partnership. Does he argue that the social costs of AIDS make it even more vital to finance HIV research? Funny, Bennett hasn't exactly made a cause of that.

No, the only use Bennett makes of this statistic is that it helps prove that homosexuality is bad and should therefore be discouraged, or, rather that, "if you're a homosexual male in this country, it takes 30 years off your life." And what does he mean by this formulation? Does he believe that gay men choose their orientation and therefore need to be encouraged to make a heterosexual choice? No, he doesn't. On "This Week," he said: "I think the best state-of-the-art science right now is the belief that some people are hard-wired this way." His argument, rather, is that if we don't continue to marginalize homosexuals, then a few "wavering" bisexual men might be tempted to "choose" homosexuality and therefore be more likely to die off at the tender age of "forty-three." Or, in his words: "Some people make the choice, and there are a lot of people in the middle. If there are a lot of people in the middle, if there are a lot of waverers, we should be sending signals ... of what society needs to prefer. And it needs to prefer heterosexuality."

So let's get this straight (so to speak). What Bennett is really saying is that one group of citizens should be publicly stigmatized, denied the right to marry, legally fired at will from their jobs, expelled from the military despite exemplary service, and thrown to the dogs of an epidemic without any social incentives to help rescue them, merely pour decourager les autres. Has Bennett thought for a moment, I wonder, about the morality of this little piece of social engineering? Has his conscience even twitched a little at the thought of using some people's lives (and with AIDS, this is not a metaphor) to adjust the social signals sent to others? One is led to wonder, in fact, if Bennett isn't actually in favor of gay promiscuity, because it's a far more useful didactic tool for him than the discomfiting vision of stable, responsible, homosexual couples.

Imagine if Bennett had made the same argument about African Americans. In that case, there are, in fact, reliable statistics that show that the life span for blacks is significantly lower than that of whites. Imagine if Bennett got on television and declared this to be a scandal, but subsequently opposed any measures to alleviate it. Imagine, indeed, if he used that statistic to defend the right of someone not to hire a black person because one could reasonably infer that a black person would be more likely to get sick. Imagine, in the most apposite case, if he declared that, because of this statistic, black people should not be allowed to marry whites because they would import into white society patterns of life-threatening behavior which need to be discouraged.

Well, the truth is: you can't imagine. Because all of those statements would be regarded as prima facie evidence of racism, and Bennett would instantly lose any credibility he once had. But with gay men and women, such statements are regarded as completely banal, and Bennett actually gains points among some conservatives for voicing them. He will argue -- with a straight face -- that he is not against civil rights for homosexuals, he just wants to tell them what is good for them. He believes, as he wrote in the Standard, that gay men and lesbians are entitled to rights "owed all Americans as Americans."

But that does not, apparently, include the right to serve one's country, a right granted to African Americans as a symbolic mark of their citizenship during the Revolutionary War and to heterosexual women and blacks equally this century. And it does not include the right not to be fired from one's job merely because one is gay, regardless of one's abilities. And it does not include the right not to be imprisoned because of private, consensual sex. And it does not include the right of mothers to the custody of their own children. And it does not include the right to visit a spouse of many years who is dying in an intensive care room. And it does not, critically, include the right to marry, a right declared by our Supreme Court to be one of the "basic civil rights of man," vested, again according to the Court, in the Declaration of Independence, prior to the Bill of Rights, and more fundamental even than the right to vote, a right guaranteed to murderers and prisoners and rapists and deadbeat dads and noncitizens, but not to gay and lesbian Americans for something that even Bennett concedes is "hard-wired" into their identity.

"Rights owed all Americans as Americans"? The truth is, Bennett, consciously or unconsciously, believes the word "Americans" does not include gay men and women. It's clarifying to hear him say it.

He will also argue that he is not demonizing people, he is demonizing behavior. But if he means by that behavior promiscuity, does he not have a moral and intellectual obligation to propose something to tackle it? Would he think, for example, that mere lecturing would be enough for heterosexual men if they too had no right to marry their loved one? What, I wonder, would he think would happen among straights if marriage didn't exist, if, indeed, domestic partnership didn't exist, if their relationships were accorded no public recognition and acknowledgment, their children no legal rights to their parents, their commitment to each other no moral or social support? From Bennett's writings, I have no doubt what he thinks would happen: social chaos. But the incentives Bennett believes are essential for one segment of the society are to be ruled out of bounds for another.

There is only one possible explanation for this. It is that Bennett considers gay men and women so beneath and beyond the concern of real society that it is incumbent upon him merely to echo the stigmas that perpetuate their exclusion. And if that isn't close to a definition of bigotry, then I don't know what is.

William Bennett, Gays, and the Truth: Mr. Virtue Dabbles in Phony Statistics

First appeared December 18, 1997, in Slate.

"THIS IS TOUGH NEWS. It's not pleasant to hear," said former Education Secretary William Bennett on ABC's This Week Nov. 9. "But it's very important, and it's part of telling the truth." The occasion for tough-but-needed truth telling: Bill Clinton's first-ever presidential speech to an organized gay-rights group, the Human Rights Campaign. Clinton had conferred respectability -- wrongly -- on the gay quest for approval when in fact, said Bennett, he "should tell the truth on this one": Homosexuality "takes 30 years off your life." The average life expectancy for gay men, Bennett declared, was just 43.

Many a mother's heart around the country must have sunk at that moment amid premonitions that she would outlive her son. A well-known public figure would think twice before delivering tidings that grim, right? And Bennett's statistic was no slip. Only days later, in the Nov. 24 Weekly Standard, he repeated the assertion phrased for maximum emphasis:

"The best available research suggests that the average life span of male homosexuals is around 43 years of age. Forty-three." (Italics his.)

Yes, it's a sensational, arresting number, which may soon pass into general circulation. Already, for example, the National Review has repeated it unskeptically in an editorial. Where did the figure come from, and how plausible is it?

Bennett got the number from Paul Cameron, a researcher well known to followers of gay controversies. Cameron, a former assistant professor at the University of Nebraska who has consulted for such gay-rights opponents as former Rep. William Dannemeyer, R-Calif., heads a group called the Family Research Institute. Cameron resigned under fire from the American Psychological Association and was later formally terminated from membership following complaints about his research methods. He has had run-ins with other professional groups, including the Nebraska Psychological Association and the American Sociological Association. According to Mark Pietrzyk's exposé in the Oct. 3, 1994, New Republic, the state of Colorado initially hired Cameron as an expert witness to defend its statute restricting gay-rights ordinances, then elected not to use his testimony after it got a closer look. His life-span figures have circulated for years in religious-right circles, but Bennett's comments appear to represent their first real breakout into wider public discussion.

Cameron's method had the virtue of simplicity, at least. He and two co-authors read through back numbers of various urban gay community papers, mostly of the giveaway sort that are laden with bar ads and personals. They counted up obituaries and news stories about deaths, noted the ages of the deceased, computed the average, and published the resulting numbers as estimates of gay life expectancy.

What do vital-statistics buffs think of this technique? Nick Eberstadt at the American Enterprise Institute sums up the reactions of several of his fellow demographers: "The method as you describe it is just ridiculous." But you don't have to be a trained statistician to spot the fallacy at its heart, which is, to quote Centers for Disease Control and Prevention statistician John Karon, that "you're only getting the ages of those who die." Gay men of the same generation destined to live to old age, even if more numerous, won't turn up in the sample.

Other critics rattle off further objections. The deaths reported in these papers, mostly AIDS deaths, will tend to represent the community defined by such papers or directly known to their editors. It will include relatively more subjects who live in town and are overtly gay and relatively few who blend into the suburbs and seldom set foot in bars. It will overrepresent those whose passing strikes others as newsworthy and underrepresent those who end their days in retired obscurity in some sunny clime.

Bennett is a busy man, but even he has access to the back of an envelope. A moment's thought might have suggested a few simple test calculations. Suppose he assumes�wildly pessimistically, given current incidence data�that half the gay male population is destined to catch the AIDS virus and die of it. The actual average age of AIDS patients at death has been about 40. (Presumably protease inhibitors will extend average longevity, but that will only increase Bennett's difficulty.) For the number 43 to be the true average death age for the entire population of gay males, HIV-negative gay men would, on average, have to keel into their graves at 46. Looked at another way, if even half the gay male population stays HIV-negative and lives to an average age of 75, an average overall life span of 43 implies that gay males with AIDS die at an implausibly early average age (11, actually).

Against this, Cameron and his supporters argue that, according to their survey of obits, even if they don't have AIDS, homosexual males tend to die by their mid-40s (and lesbians by their late 40s). Some downright peculiar results followed from this inference. One is that -- contrary to the opinion of virtually everyone else in the world -- AIDS in fact hasn't reduced gay males' life expectancy by that much -- a few years, at most. Moreover, the obits also recorded lots of violent and accidental deaths. From this Cameron and company concluded not that newsworthy deaths tend to get into newspapers, but that gays must experience shockingly high rates of violent death. With a perfectly straight face they report, for example, that lesbians are at least 300 times more likely to die in car crashes than females of similar ages in general.

Unfortunately there really is no satisfactory measure of actual life expectancy among gay men. However, Harry Rosenberg, the mortality-statistics chief at the National Center for Health Statistics, says he's unaware of evidence that HIV-negative gays have a lower life expectancy than other males. Rosenberg also points to one reason to think the HIV-negative gay male may actually live longer on average than the straight male: Gays may have higher incomes and more education on average than straights -- two factors powerfully correlated with longer life spans. (Bennett himself appears to share this view, terming gays, "as a group, wealthy and well educated.")

Challenged by the Human Rights Campaign's Elizabeth Birch in the letters column of the Dec. 8 Standard, Bennett, remarkably, dug in to defend the Cameron numbers, which he said coincided with the views of other authorities such as psychiatrist Jeffrey Satinover. Satinover's 1996 book, Homosexuality and the Politics of Truth, does discuss gay life spans, but cites as its authority� Cameron's study. In other words, Bennett is not adducing a second authority for his assertions but merely falling back on the first via its recycling by another writer.

Throughout the controversy, Bennett has made much of the cause of "truth" with a capital T. His Standard article, portentously titled "Clinton, Gays, and the Truth," accused the Clintonites of scanting that important commodity. Bennett is right to the extent that there's no excuse for telling falsehoods in the course of raising otherwise legitimate issues. He should mind his own lesson.

Five Reasons I Don’t Take ‘Queer Theory’ Seriously

Presented at the 1997 annual meetings of the Pacific Sociological Association in San Diego, California in an "author meets critics" session on American Gay (University of Chicago Press, 1996)

FIRST, I BALK at the term "queer," which I do not think can be defanged. Moreover, I believe that those who despise differences will always be very happy to accord that label to anyone who wants it. Relatedly, I find it difficult to take seriously those who believe they can transvalue values and move away from "minoritizing" logic under an explicitly deviant label and in contrast to an explicitly normative one ("heteronormative").

Second, I find it difficult to take seriously an alternative to "binarism" built on a contrast of "normative" and amorphous contra-normativity. Rather than destroying binarism, replacing "gay" with "queer" merely further subordinates sexuality to gender - which is a more deeply entrenched dichotomy - in a continuing binary of domination.

Third, idealism and very vulgar linguistic determinism: In American Gay and elsewhere, I take the agnostic position that ideas matter, but usually not all that much. In my view, representation is not the only kind of human action, and is not the most important one. I think that the "queer" perspective - which I do not think deserves the name "theory" and certainly not that of "social theory" - romanticizes ineffective substitutes for politics. The most prominent one is subjective reactions to seemingly randomly selected high culture and popular culture texts, with no demonstration that others, let alone the masses, receive the often occult messages that analysts claim to decode. I am not convinced that subjectivity is produced by these discourses or that such texts influence more than they reflect society and subjectivities already fashioned by various prior means, not least by primary socialization. Along with this fascination with idiosyncratic readings of texts not demonstrated to have any effect on anyone is a sentimental romanticizing of what seems to be more juvenile acting out than serious attempts to change anything in the world, what I would call - with apologies to Lenin - "infantile post-leftist adventurism." Directly related to this is what I see as the apriori assumption that whatever subalterns do must be "resistance" - in particular that "playing with" or "playing at" gender erodes gendered social organization of domination. Variant performances and discursive practices do not change societies. I think that we need fewer celebrations of "transgression" and more analysis of how subalterns reproduce their own subordination, both intra-psychically (call it self-hatred, with "self" being a kind of person) and interpersonally (call it socialization). And we need especially to look at practices persisting even when linguistic patterns change, as I have done with the diffusion of the word "gay" in Latin America and Thailand, and as could be done with "queer" in Anglo North America.

Fourth, ethnocentricity and ahistoricism: For all the proclamation of difference, so-called "queer theorists" rarely look outside contemporary or very recent Northwestern Europe and Anglo North America. No more than the asocial constructionists I call "discourse creationists," do they attempt to look systematically or historically at how sex, gender, and/or sexuality are organized and conceived elsewhere and at times before World War Two. Gender-crossing performativity exists and has existed in many times and places without challenging the subordination of those gendered as kinds of "females." Those who live - or play - various transvestitic homosexual roles generally retain some male privilege, especially greater mobility or better access to the best materials for doing "women's work." In the other major pre-late-modern organization of same-sex sexual desire and behavior, the young are subordinated to their elders.

That is, being gender variant or engaging in same-sex sex has not been transgressive and has not destabilized hierarchies of domination. As I say in American Gay, I was very disappointed to realize that homosexuality is not necessarily oppositional. Indeed, rather a lot of those who engage in it are heteronormative. And by no means is it only "closeted homosexuals." There are many open lesbians and gay men who align themselves with the repression of what they regard as less respectable forms of gender and sexuality. Although we often enough fashioned new conformisms, the egalitarian theory and occasionally egalitarian practice of my generation - the "baby boom"/ gay liberation/lesbian feminist generation - was a novelty, and increasingly appears to have been a temporary fluctuation rather than the world historical trend many of us once supposed.

Sex between persons of the same natal sex has not been particularly problematic or condemned in some times and places, but almost always the sexually-penetrated biologically-male partner has been treated like a female wife, concubine, or prostitute by the older, more powerful, more conventionally masculine "partner." Within narrowly circumscribed limits, "gender" is socially constructed in differing ways, but where it is a major organizing principle - which is in most times and places - differences are ranked. The boundaries of human categories in general - not just of homosexual - are fuzzy, but playing with fuzzy boundaries of gender and sexuality categories has remarkably little demonstrated history of destabilizing enduring hierarchies.

Fifth, is the return of the repressed, that is, the revalorization of Freud's eternal and constant theory of motivation, further mystified in Lacanian rhetoric. Why so many deconstructionists are drawn to undeconstructed Freudianism is a mystery to me, one rife for sociology of knowledge analysis. Clearly, there is no place for social forces or spatial or temporal variability in this, and, of course, there is no basis for collective mobilization in Freudian or quasi-Freudian theorizing.

From Marx and Weber I learned that consciousness of kind is a prerequisite of collective organization - consciousness of kind is one idea that I think matters a great deal. Undermining it in the realm of literary criticism and other kinds of academic discourse does nothing to alter structured everyday domination of any sort in the workplace, law, education, or other public institutions.

If and when queer theorists produce a theory that seems to explain or predict something other than textual representations, I will be attentive. Until such a time, aware as I am of the quietist anti-empiricist zeitgeist, I am content to be considered a pre-postmodern, skeptical, empiricist and comparativist social scientist. As I say on the penultimate page of American Gay, "I feel that the mists of what has misappropriated the label 'theory' will at some point dissipate" and the book that I conceived as a mesage in a bottle will be found by those "somewhere or at some time who are interested in how people involved in homosexuality live their lives." I remain hopeful of that and having outlived what was my life expectancy when I wrote American Gay, I have even begun to hope I may live to see it.

Implicit references:

Murray, Stephen O.:

  • 1983. Fuzzy sets and abominations. Man 19:396-399.
  • 1994. Subordinating native cosmologies to the Empire of Gender. Current Anthropology 35:59-61.
  • 1995. Discourse creationism. Journal of Sex Research 32:263-265.
  • 1996. American Gay. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
  • 1999. Homosexualities. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Love! Valour! Assimilation!

AS WE GATHER to celebrate, if not our pride, at least our enthusiasm for its possibility, it is natural for us to look back to see how far we've come. Fortunately, this retrospective reveals much to give thanks for. The public acceptance of gays and lesbians, while hardly complete, has reached levels undreamed by most of us when we were growing up. We blinked and now high school students are attending the prom with their gay lovers, and openly gay couples are moving to the suburbs to buy houses and raise children. Moreover, straight couples, their future contributions to the gay community packed in strollers, line the Gay Pride parade route to gawk and cheer on their gay friends. Frosty fraternization has given way in many urban centers to an active miscegenation of straight and gay societies.

You would think that these developments would be received with optimism by our best and brightest, would be recognized as welcome indications that our decades of activism, struggle and stairmaster have actually gotten us somewhere. You would be ever so wrong.

In fact, our community's intelligentsia (in the Starbucks sense of the word) is united in tight-lipped horror at the sight of gay people finding acceptance in the straight world. Waterman pens have been scribbling furiously these last few years, filling page after latté-stained page with jeremiads on our heedless assimilation into the faceless gray hordes of our breeder brethren. According to these theorists, what gay people should have been fighting for all these years, or in fact were fighting for until it slipped their minds sometime during the video for Justify My Love, was not admittance into the status quo, but the freedom to celebrate openly our repudiation of it without fear of retaliation . The acceptance that should have been our goal was the straight world's acceptance of our rejection of them.

Alas, instead we have become its gaudy, grasping clone. Our community has become Lolita's mother writ large, pathetically aping a culture we do not understand and that regards us with only the most thinly veiled contempt. Yet it is precisely this contempt that we embrace as approval.

This, in essence, is the party line among our pondering class, with the notable exception of Andrew Sullivan. Perhaps its most engaging popularizer is Daniel Harris, whose recently published The Rise and Fall of Gay Culture weds a catty, bitter voice to the normally puritanical dourness of the anti-assimilationists. It stands as an exemplary statement of the anti-assimilationist position. As such, I will use it and its author as my touchstones for responding to its charges.

Harris's book is both an atlas of a lost world and an elegy for its passing. Like an anthropologist observing a once isolated tribe fed into the maw of modern culture, he takes copious notes, summons to memory the glories that once were, and resigns himself to the inevitable. Whether it's camp, drag, leather, personal ads, pornography, or gay self-help manuals, he finds exactly the same pattern. A brief period of florescence in the days of oppression, followed by a swift decline once "the market" assimilated gay people to its banal calculus. As he writes:

By looking closely at the changes that have occurred in gay culture in the past few decades, I attempt to represent the process through which a culture with unique traditions and rituals is submerged into the melting pot, its distinguishing characteristics dissolving into the grey (sic), flavorless gruel as its members are accepted by society at large.

Harris's perspective here relies quite heavily on a liberal flavor of Marxism known as the Frankfurt School. One of its central tenets is that modern mass culture, perfected in America, is one of the oppressing class's greatest tools for keeping the masses down, distracted from the struggle for liberation by Pop Tarts and The Spice Girls. This mass culture effaces all regional, ethnic and class differences through the relentless leveling effect of its technology (telephone, television, Internet, etc.)

As long as gay people were isolated from this mass culture, protected by our pariah status from its blandishments, we were able to maintain our saucy singularity. Armed with feather boas and Judy Garland records, we bravely held out against the silent spring of sameness. But gay liberation ended all that, and as a result we have become absorbed into the undifferentiated mass of polyester and Kraft cheese singles that is the "mainstream."

As Harris puts the matter succinctly, "Gay liberation and the gay sensibility are staunch antagonists."

Here is the gauntlet thrown down before us by Harris and his co-religionists. Do we want to be liberated, or do we want to be human? Because apparently we can't have both. Decisions don't get much starker than that. Like all myths of fall, this argument projects an image of uncompromising clarity, of a sword rightly dividing the word of truth, that makes it attractive out of all proportion to its truth or cogency.

In the face of such unanimous and scathing opprobrium, can anything be said in defense of assimilation? I would answer with an emphatic yes. In fact, I believe that assimilation is precisely what will create a more adult, humane and multi-faceted gay community.

Perhaps the first inkling that assimilation might not be all that bad comes when you examine the Garden of Eden that supposedly preceded it: The closet. Or for those few wealthy or talented enough, a hermetic fraternity dissimulating itself to the outside world through art and culture. What claim to superiority over assimilation could these crabbed modes of existence possibly possess? In what system of values could it be superior to live in unrelenting fear and self-hatred, circumscribed without by legal discrimination and within by the internecine conflict between the need to be authentic and the desire to belong?

That, as they say, is a very interesting question, and its answer even more so. The superiority of assimilation over what preceded it is immediately apparent the minute the distinction is framed in terms of justice, politics, and individual freedom. There's no contest.

This superiority, however, disappears, or at least becomes less obvious, the minute the issue is examined in purely cultural terms. And it is in these terms that Harris et al. frame their arguments. Granted, in the old days millions of people were subjected to torment and injustice, but this system created a cultural elite of tastemakers, artists and ironic observers of the world that hated them. "Gay life" was not a given, doled out to everyone who just happened to be homosexual. On the contrary, it was a crucible of refinement that only the chosen few could endure, much less flourish in.

Paradoxically, Harris's ideal world is fundamentally an aristocratic one. This will seem surprising to those seduced by the neo-Marxist analysis that is the manifest content of his book. But Marxism has for decades been the acceptable mask worn by closet aristocrats in Western society. This is harder to see in the United States, since, lacking its own aristocratic traditions (the Old South excepted), there's really nothing to compare Marxist cultural snobbery to. However in England and France, where aristocratic class systems are still living memories, this ruse is both more widely practiced and more easily detected.

The eternal malaise of the middle class has always been its self-hatred. Middle class people can claim neither the heroic struggles of the proletariat nor the cultural hauteur and effortless savoir faire of the aristocracy. They have so completely absorbed the contempt coming from both above and below at a life lived solely for making money, that one of the main activities of middle class people now consists of trying to atone for their cultural vapidity by proving to the world that they're not middle class. This goes ten-fold for the middle class's intelligentsia.

The middle class responds to its self-hatred either with frantic efforts to imitate aristocrats (the sole reason Jaguar cars are still in production, by the way) or with uncritical idolization of blue collar authenticity (Bruce Springsteen, Harley-Davidson, etc.) If they know too much about working class life to indulge in this latter self-deception, they identify some non-Western indigenous people, preferably in the end stages of cultural or actual genocide, to hold up as an ideal of the authentic life they so sadly lack (Tibet, any American Indian tribes within driving distance of Santa Fe, etc.). It is the genius of Marxism considered as a jeu d'esprit to allow both processes to occur simultaneously. It hallows the authenticity of the proletariat , but on the basis of an aristocratic ethos.

And this creates the great unspoken dilemma that faces the middle class Marxist. The proletarian-worshipping side of her soul hates the poverty and cultural marginalization of the workers; yet her efforts to alleviate these injustices, if successful, lead directly to the embourgeoisment of her erstwhile heroes. There is no disillusionment so cruel as that experienced by the middle class Marxist intellectual when he discovers that the workers (or Tibetans?see above) he idolized as the ultimate antidote to his own middle class mediocrity, once freed of their chains, proceed immediately to the nearest mall to buy Nikes and projection TVs of their very own. They want Disney World, not the classless society.

This is a painful moment for the Marxist theoretician, for the impulse that causes him to recoil from this discovery is irreducibly aristocratic, and thus can only be acknowledged obliquely. The rage the middle class Marxist feels at being deprived of a marginalized group to provide him with vicarious authenticity can only find expression as a theoretical insight into the fiendish duplicity of the capitalist system. Concepts like "repressive desublimation" and "false consciousness" are then dutifully confected to explain the ingratitude of the masses, and to mask the narcissism of their unrequited savior.

If you replace "workers" in the paragraphs above with "homosexuals", and "capitalists" with, well, capitalists, you have reproduced almost exactly Harris's argument and have described the psychological mechanics that produce it. The proletarian/aristocratic dichotomy is in full force, and pre-Stonewall gay life is easily accommodated in either mode. Under the aspect of proletarian virtue, gay life is recast as Hogan's Homos, where a hardy band of streetwise POWs, establishing clandestine lines of communication with the outside world, "much like prisoners rapping in code on the pipes of their cells", manage to hoodwink their captors at every turn. Under the aspect of aristocratic superiority, gay life is presented as Queen Acres, where unspeakably sophisticated gays tutor their hillbilly cousins in the wilds of straight America. Different shows, same network.

Once we delve beneath all the Marxist theoretical blather, we discover that his argument boils down to the simple claim that gay liberation has been a disaster not because it is ineffective, not because it is immoral, but because it is vulgar. This is a word that appears often in The Rise and Fall of Gay Culture, the bearer of a telling ubiquity.

The gay world Harris memorializes so reverently was an elitist institution that only the best could belong to. It was a bastion of discrimination in both senses of the word. But then gay liberation came along, and the cozy connoisseurs club, that tweedy home of recondite perceptions and unerring apercus, was crashed by hordes of unwashed parvenus who couldn't tell the difference between purple and aubergine. The illuminati were replaced by sans culottes in culottes, and gay life just hasn't been worth the trouble since.

One can almost see Harris's lip curl with disdain as he surveys the wreckage wrought by the democratization of gay life. Here he is, for example, fuming about the picture of gay relationships conveyed in gay self-help literature:

The propagandistic fictions surrounding the Uxorious Gay [the word means excessively deferential to one's spouse?NL] operate by reenacting the rituals of heterosexual courtship and by deliberately de-exoticizing gay relationships, turning homosexual lovers into glamorless hausfraus who wash socks, entertain in-laws, pick up laundry from dry cleaners and agonize over dish-pan hands.

It would be futile to point out to Harris that what "de-exoticizes" relationships is familiarity, not false consciousness, and that doing laundry and entertaining relatives is the everyday reality even of single people, because it is precisely the ordinariness of it all that Harris can't stand. It's just too common. He can't feel special in such a world, therefore it must be wrong.

Harris gives the game away right at the beginning of the book when he writes, "Sometime in my early adolescence, I acquired, while living in the very heart of Appalachia, a land of lazy southern drawls, a British accent... my peers were budding good old boys whose fathers drove tractors and pickup trucks and spoke in an unmusical twang that I, a pompous fop in my teens, found distinctly undignified." The only odd thing about this passage is that it is written in the past tense.

He then goes on to describe how he became utterly captivated by the Hollywood divas of the day, completely entranced by "the patrician inflections of characters who conversed in a manufactured Hollywood idiom meant to suggest refinement and good breeding."

Exactly.

One way to look at The Rise and Fall of Gay Culture is as a long, tortuous attempt to justify these aristocratic longings to their owner, without having to subscribe (overtly) to aristocratic politics. Make no mistake, Harris is still sneering at the uncouth accents of his compatriots, except now he calls them consumers instead of hicks and they live in a subdivision instead of a holler. And the esoteric world of European neo-Marxist theorizing has replaced the ballrooms and summer homes of Manhattan high society. Different shows, same network.

If that were all that was going on, The Rise and Fall of Gay Culture would be at best an eccentric collection of insights into gay life, both marred and catalyzed by a central, if indispensable, self-deception. Unfortunately, there is a darker side to the phenomenon.

The attentive reader of Harris's book will be immediately struck by a curious feature of its argument. Though gay life is its putative subject, at every opportunity Harris defines it in such a way as to make homosexuality itself disappear. Whenever he analyzes a particular feature or tradition of gay life, he is immediately at great pains to point out that it has nothing whatever to do with sexuality per se, but is merely an artifact of an alienated consciousness or a marginalized social reality.

For example, when Harris discusses camp and drag, he writes, "the preciousness of the aesthete... reflects less the homosexual's innate affinity for lovely things, for beauty and sensuality, than his profound social discontent, which we attempt to overcome by creating flattering images of ourselves as connoisseurs and Epicureans." And later, "the homosexual's love of Hollywood was not an expression of flamboyant effeminacy, but, rather, in a very literal sense, of swaggering machismo."

Likewise, in his discussion of the leather and S&M subcultures, he makes the rather astounding claim that, "since the inception of the S/M movement, the cult of leather has served as a way for the gay man to identify himself to others and to engage in ostensibly illicit practices that, far from representing an epidemic of sexual pathology, have become simply a pretext for a perverse act of networking." [italics added]

Networking? Networking? The thesis is so preposterous that Harris himself has to abandon it, and scant pages later is cataloguing with disdain the acts of bootlicking, mummification, flogging, wholesale dildo invasion etc. that define S/M practice. By the end of the chapter he is even mocking the members of the leather community who have tried to portray S/M as primarily a form of self-actualization instead of the pursuit of sadistic sex, his own earlier and identical claim conveniently forgotten.

It becomes all too clear that for Harris, gay identity is completely constituted by its oppression. This in turn becomes the way Harris explains away aspects of gay life that he finds uncomfortable. If gay men idolize divas as a protest against social marginalization, then it can't be used to prove that they are effeminate. If they devote their lives to S/M out of a need to "network", then it can't be because they like to get beat up or beat someone else up. Oh no.

The attractiveness of this theoretical sleight of hand becomes clearer when we discover that Harris himself was quite the sissy in his youth, "sashaying around the house in brightly colored caftans," and giving regular drag performances in his high school gym to no doubt bewildered students and faculty. It is hard to avoid the conclusion that Harris' theoretical commitments are designed to explain away a feminine side that perhaps even today troubles an unquiet virility.

Harris explicitly links the two concerns, when he writes:

I was not attracted to Hollywood stars because of their femininity, nor did my admiration of them reflect any burning desire to be a woman... as if diva worship were simply a ridiculous side effect of gender conflicts. Instead it was their world, not their femininity, that appealed to me, the irrepressibly madcap in-crowd of Auntie Mame, of high spirits and unconventional characters....

Um, sure. Saying that a diva's femininity plays no part in the world she creates for others is heartbreakingly naive, not to say sexist. And the fact that dressing up in caftans and imitating Bette Davis is a form of social protest taken up only by homosexual men, not migrant farm laborers or Native Americans?groups one would think suffer from equal amounts of alienation and cultural displacement?is a puzzle Harris still needs to resolve, at least for me if not for himself. One gets the distinct impression that much of The Rise and Fall of Gay Culture is simply Harris repeating obsessively to himself "I am a man I am a man" as he changes into a clean caftan.

It would be easy to dismiss Harris's necessary illusions as yet another example of self-hating homo hokum if they did not so vividly illustrate a tendency at work in most anti-assimilationist thought. One of the submerged purposes of the often arcane political theory used to justify these positions is, simply put, to make homosexuality disappear. Homosexuality ceases to be anything in or for itself and becomes instead a style of radical will or a stray emanation from the penumbra of the class struggle or a behavioral artifact of alienated consciousness?anything, that is, except homosexuality. Anything but what it really is.

Hidden beneath the exterior of radicalized theory lies yet one more example of what I call the "homosexuality plus" method of justifying homosexuality. The method assumes that homosexuality all by itself cannot be justified; it can only be justified by drawing attention away from its horrible reality and towards something else, something supposedly good that homosexuals are as well. "Sure, they're homosexuals, but they're so refined!" or "They're not just pansies, they're great artists, too!" The goal of this method is not to have homosexuality accepted, but to have it overlooked. It is apology masquerading as affront.

This, in a nutshell, is Harris' strategy. The subtext of his argument is that homosexuality can only be acceptable if it is serving a larger, and emphatically non-sexual, end, in this case cultural authenticity understood as resistance to "the Market." Though he mocks the attempts of the Mattachine Society and modern gay-marriage advocates to sanitize homosexuality by assimilating it to some higher moral ideal, he is guilty of the same charge.

The truth of the matter is that there is no escaping assimilation. As Dylan said, you gotta serve somebody. The alternatives to "assimilation" offered by its vehement opponents are themselves merely avenues of assimilation into other parts of heterosexual culture?either assimilation into bohemianism or assimilation into the culture of left-wing activism. But neither of these alternatives are uniquely gay modes of feeling and acting. They were both created by heterosexuals, just like malls and monogamy. The perverse truth Harris points out in his book is that the only mode of existence that can truly be said to reflect a unique gay identity and culture is the closet! His reduction of moral issues to culture politics allows him to heroicize the world of homosexual men and women, cut off from one another, living lonely lives of terror in small towns all across America, because it produced exotic modes of cultural resistance.

At this point I think it is legitimate to ask Harris why gay people should feel obligated to fulfill his cultural fantasies at the expense of simple justice and freedom in their own lives. He needs to justify the pursuit of an intellectual mirage?the Garden of Eden where primitive gay culture exists untainted by money or heterosexuality?at the expense of (and as a replacement for) equality with heterosexuals in all aspects of life. He needs to explain why we need to feel guilty because we have not met his need to feel special.

The anti-assimilationists also fail to recognize that assimilation is a two-way street. It is not simply a matter of gay people surrendering their transgressive identities to the Borg collective of straight society. An obvious, but often overlooked, fact about assimilation is that it can only occur once gay people have actually come out of the closet. A married homosexual man who presents a faultless heterosexual fa?ade to the world, tells fag jokes at work and cruises forest preserves and truck stops at night is not assimilated, for he offers nothing that requires assimilation. He is making no claim for acceptance on behalf of his sexuality, because he does not believe it is acceptable in the first place. Assimilation is the antithesis of the closet.

Straight society cannot accommodate openly gay people without making radical changes to its own consciousness and values, something straight people themselves have always acknowledged. Indeed, the claim to moral equality with heterosexuals explicit in the drive to assimilate is far more disquieting to straight society than any amount of transgressive street theater taking place in a gay ghetto far, far away. If you doubt this, just ask yourself which spectacle panics and outrages the straight world more: the International Mr. Leather competition, or a gay wedding ceremony. The latter makes a claim to legitimacy wholly lacking from the former. In this matter, the Christian Coalition possesses a better understanding of the subversive implications of gay assimilation than our café intellectuals.

What Harris and his ilk fail to realize is that assimilation is the solution to many of the problems they identify in modern gay life. The gays who want to flee the ghetto for the suburbs are precisely the people who, like Harris, are sick and tired of a "community" whose sole values are a hot body, eternal youth and a fabulous wardrobe. It is their way of thumbing their noses at the Hunky Golightlies who hold sway in Boy's Town, and the mind-numbing superficiality of the culture these have created. In other words, assimilation is a sign of maturity among gay people, both individual and communal.

For the shocking truth about gay men is that they never shine more brightly than when they are in the company of heterosexuals. A gay man among heterosexuals is often witty, cultured, sensitive, engaging on all levels. But the minute gay men are alone together, the IQ suddenly plummets at least 500 points. Conversation ceases and the desperate posing and primping begins, the endless game of you're-not-hot-so-I-don't-have-to-talk-to-you. Ph.D's in art, philosophy and literature suddenly can speak of nothing beyond the gym, the bar or the bathhouse. Plato's cave becomes the Valley of the Dolls.

I'll say it loud and proud: We need assimilation to free us from slavery to our own oppressive social structures and sex roles.

Lastly, assimilation answers the original need created by growing up as gay people in a homophobic society. The pain we felt when we realized we were homosexual was the pain of separation from the culture and traditions that we were born into. We wanted to belong, not stand apart. The rage we feel at homophobia is rage at all it has kept us from, whether that is the religion of our people, the communal life of our neighborhood, or the vital traditions of our forebears. We were right to refuse the phony integration offered by the silence and shame of the closet. Our unrelenting campaign to force recognition of who we really are, without apologies, is entirely just. But it would be foolish for us to recoil from the world around us at the moment when it is finally beginning to see that we are in fact valuable members of any community. Having been involuntarily excluded by homophobia, we should not voluntarily exclude ourselves through heterophobia.

Since I do not believe that the gay sensibility is an accidental artifact of our oppression, I do not fear that assimilation will erode the sprightly spark that is our hallmark. Even in the very heart of the ghetto, where the only oppression we face comes from our friends, gay men still dress up in women's clothes and worship divas. All the "networking" opportunities in the world haven't emptied the leather bars. That won't change any time soon. But it needs to be recognized that we will have achieved true liberation only when we no longer have to justify our sexual orientation by carrying anyone else's moral baggage, whether that be Daniel Harris's aristocratic Marxist snobbery or Ralph Reed's puritanical Christian snobbery. We don't have to by gay and liberal or gay and free-market patriots in order to justify who we are.

Contrary to the fantasies of the Left and the Right, there is no necessary connection between homosexuality and morality or immorality. It is a sexual orientation, a pure capacity, nothing more. It can be deployed in the service of any lifestyle or ideology we choose. There are certainly good reasons for rejecting the materialism and banality of much of our culture, but homosexuality isn't one of them. The task of leading the examined life is a human burden, not a sexual one.

At the beginning of The Rise and Fall of Gay Culture, Harris states that his main goal is to free gay culture from its adolescence. Yet Harris' view of gay history is the best example of the problem he is trying to solve. Adolescence is the age of heroes, of Golden Ages and secret societies, of the willful enchantment of life's banal realities. It is the flight from the responsibilities of adulthood into a cocoon of fantasy where all one's inadequacies are reborn as marks of divine favor. So it is with the gay world Harris wants to hang on to. He can't bring himself to leave the exclusive clubhouse where he and his childhood friends played at being glamorous ladies of high society, uttering secret passwords in perfect patrician dialect. The fact that his fantasy does not involve Star Trek does not make it any less adolescent.

Assimilation will cost us certain things that we now treasure. Our sense of specialness, of superiority, of safety behind the walls of the ghetto?all these will have to disappear or undergo extensive facial reconstruction. But in the end we will gain more than we lose. Becoming part of the wider community will ennoble both our humanity and that of the straight people who accept us as equals. To grasp this opportunity requires merely our willingness to leave behind the childhood of the closet and the adolescence of the ghetto to embrace the possibilities of adulthood, like a flower opening to the sun.

Copyright © 1997 by Niall Lynch. Reprinted with permission. Reproduction in whole or in part requires prior written permission.

A Demurrer on Relationships

Originally appeared Sept. 11, 1997, in the Windy City Times.

FROM SEVERAL QUARTERS within the gay community, gay men have lately been hearing the message that they should settle down and form relationships.

The rationales for this generously offered free advice range across the moral spectrum: It will result in a more emotionally satisfying life; it will promote personal maturity; it will offer a more fulfilling sex life; it will provide someone to take care of you when you are old or sick; it will keep you from getting AIDS; it will lower the rate of HIV transmission below epidemic levels; it will reduce promiscuity, which is sinful; it will promote social stability; and so forth.

Each of these deserves a thoughtful response on its own, but we can also offer some more general cautionary notes.

Contrary to their claims, these writers are hardly courageous Jeremiahs crying out an unwelcome doctrine to rootless and anomic individuals. In fact, our whole modern culture is pervaded by the assumption of coupledom and strongly biased toward rewarding it - joint tax returns, family memberships in clubs, benefits for unmarried domestic partners, media images of couples, even "double occupancy" travel packages.

In fact, the notion that one "ought" to be in a relationship scarcely needs to be promoted to gays. If anything, gays tend to form relationships too easily, too unsuspectingly. Some people seem to end one relationship and within weeks announce that they are in a new one.

The belief that one can find happiness only in a relationship is responsible for the undue haste with which people unwarily enter unsuitable relationships, and the cause of a great deal of later unhappiness. If anything, gays need to start exercising more caution, more restraint. Instead of trying to provide supports for mismatched gay couples, perhaps we ought to provide support and teach coping skills to people to live on their own.

Now no one need doubt that relationships can be a good thing and that many people find fulfillment in them. But we should also make it clear that not everyone is a good candidate for a relationship. History and literature, to say nothing of the lives of our friends, provide abundant examples of people psychologically stuck in empty, drab, stultifying, demeaning, damaging and emotionally draining, miserable relationships.

Some people are unpleasant or mean-spirited, emotionally immature or psychologically unstable, insensitive or dull, or even complete jerks. Urging a relationships on such people would be a disservice to them or their potential partner.

Other people may be pleasant and interesting enough to be decent partners, but are focused on concerns other than a relationship: a career, a personal goal, a life-project or an exploration of their own individual potential.

Relationships take a good deal of time and work to foster and to maintain, as well as a good deal of compromising. Many people may not find the rewards commensurate with the time and effort required. One may simply be a bachelor.

And then too, for all of us, it is a matter of luck, chance or grace that someone falls in love with us at the same time that we fall in love with them. The wonder is not that falling in love does not happen more, but that it happens as often as it does.

The plain truth is that people are different from one another. They grow up developing different needs for personal space, varying desires to compromise, different needs for companionship and support, different abilities to cope with solitude.

Some people may have insecurities or self-esteem needs that can be met only with or by a partner. Some people, it seems, do not even know how to conduct a life on their own. They take their bearings from interaction with other people: They want the mental or emotional "structure" that others provide. Barbra Streisand's preposterous and neurotic song "People" is their anthem.

Other people develop a greater capacity for autonomy, for acting alone, for being able to amuse themselves, to make new friends easily, for developing projects that are personally satisfying. Absent a need to be in a relationship, they choose not to enter one.

Even heterosexuals are showing greater skepticism about relationships and marriage. Until the 1950s and 1960s, even apart from love heterosexual marriage was a virtual necessity: Women married to guarantee a means of support, particularly while they reared children, while men married to have a home and access to sex.

But those necessities have been obviated by the large number of women now employed and self-supporting, the large number of labor-saving devices that enable a single male to manage his own household satisfactorily, and the availability of birth control which provided sexual opportunities without the inevitability of children.

Gays face those same social realities: employment by virtually all participants; ease of single-household management; ready access to sex without the risk of children; and the similarly reduced inducements to long-term relationships. In addition, gays as two equal employed people without the strong shared bond of children and the problems of raising them, with which heterosexuals are deeply concerned, can easily find themselves growing apart and their interests diverging.

A different sort of obstacle to male-male relationships is the tendency of males "by nature" to be promiscuous. This is one of the best attested findings cross-culturally and among virtually all species of animals. The male tendency to seek a multiplicity of sexual partners is simply built into their genes, since those men whose behavioral tendencies were most reproduced were those who most widely propagated their genes; in turn, our own genes' "desire" to reproduce themselves is best served by inducing similar behavior on our part.

This is not to argue that we should always give in to "nature" nor to justify whatever "nature" suggests. Biology need not always win out, but it is always waiting for an opportunity to assert itself. So a social prescription that ignores "nature" or thinks it can be countered with a little exhortation is likely to have only limited success. And at the individual level it will create an unrealistic expectation of what is likely - or possible - for long-term male relationships.

Given all this, gay relationships need to be advocated or discussed with a good deal less simple-mindedness, a good deal more awareness of the obstacles and difficulties, and in a full awareness of the variety of human beings and our individual needs and capacities.

The Fundamentalist Response

First appeared June 22, 1997, in The Washington Post.

IN 1980, WORD BEGAN TO LEAK OUT that Congressman Jon Hinson (R) had been in a gay movie theater when it caught on fire and that he had later been arrested at the Iwo Jima Memorial, a well-known gay cruising spot in Washington. Once Hinson knew these incidents would be made public, he visited fundamentalist Protestant preachers in his Mississippi district and asked for their continued support. He got it, and was re-elected in a three-way contest, albeit narrowly.

Today, of course, no gay candidate could find political solace at the hands of the Christian Right, which has become the major opposition to the political and social revolution known as gay liberation.

But readers of Didi Herman's The Antigay Agenda, Orthodox Vision and the Christian Right (The University of Chicago Press) would not find Hinson's 1980 experience so surprising. Herman points out that conservative Protestant discussion of homosexuality in the 1960s and 1970s was relatively neutral. In 1970, for example, Christianity Today said of a gay Metropolitan Community Church in Los Angeles, "The great majority are indistinguishable in appearance from a typical WASP congregation... [who attend] in the hope that God, with a little help from his friends, will make his love known to them.î By the late 1980s, however, in response to social, political and even economic trends, the newly emergent political Christian Right had made opposition to gay and lesbian demands a centerpiece of its platform.

Herman's short 200-page book contains a wealth of information about conservative Protestantism and its battle against gay liberation. (She considers Roman Catholic views a separate topic). She discusses, for example, the Christian Right's portrayal of gay men not as stereotyped "effeminate, limp-wristed, ineffectual,î but as "masculinity out of control.î Gay male sex, in the words of Christian Right polemicists, is "raucous revelry, perverse promiscuity, orgiastic opulence, and apollyonic abandon.î Lesbians are attacked, less colorfully, as the logical extension of antifamily feminism.

Moreover, we learn of tensions within the Christian Right between the pietists, who value personal religious experience, and those -- now ascendant -- who want the church to influence the nation. We read of tensions between Christian conservatives who (secretly?) support a powerful theocratic state, and their secular economic allies, who prefer a smaller government with a live-and-let-live approach to morality.

The Antigay Agenda argues that the Christian Right's opposition to gay liberation is more than just a reaction to change. Rather, the antigay stance is part and parcel of fundamental Protestantism's core beliefs, including the infallibility of the Bible and a long-standing distaste for declining social -- and sexual -- standards, of which homosexual behavior is only one among many (abortion, divorce, pornography, promiscuity, etc.).

Ultimately, however, and even ironically, Herman exhibits the same flaws she sees -- correctly, in my view -- in the conservative Protestant operatives with whom she disagrees. She takes what Christian Right leaders consider a marginal doctrine known as postmillennialism -- that Christians must take over the world in preparation for the Second Coming of Christ -- and posits it as the prime motivation for conservative Christian political ambitions. This sounds very much like the Religious Right strategy of exhibiting examples of gay extremism -- e.g., the Lesbian Avengers wearing "We Recruitî T-shirts to a public school -- to demonstrate that homosexuals prey on children.

Moreover, such an analysis ignores other explanations for the Christian Right's foray into politics. For example, this is probably the first generation of Protestant fundamentalists in which a majority of its adherents are college educated and financially well off. As such, they want to get a place at the table once set exclusively for establishmentarian, mainline Protestants. This is similar to the kind of imprint on society and its politics, traditionally sought by ethnic, racial and other groups, including newly liberated gays and lesbians.

Herman's strategy for countering the conservative Christian antigay movement, which she makes near the end of the book, is "an invigorated, emancipatory, left-wing movement," though she offers no evidence that such a broad counter-attack would be attractive to a majority of Americans.

Despite its weaknesses, Herman's book presents considerable information not previously part of the nation's political discourse. And despite her British locale, the only miscue I noticed was her description of Phyllis Schlafly as "a longtime Christian activist." Schlafly is much better described as a political activist.

More importantly, while Herman makes clear her sympathy for gay and lesbian political goals, she dissects the Christian Right's antigay stance dispassionately, giving, as it were, the devil his due. For anyone on either side of this passionate and important conflict, that is an impressive accomplishment.

Log Cabin Republican Address

I REMEMBER THE MOMENT VERY WELL. It was a little more than a year ago, but it seems like a lifetime now. I was headed out the door of my Washington office, brief case in hand, bound for a pleasant, relaxing weekend in New York with friends. My secretary stopped me and said a reporter from The Advocate was on the phone.

I had spoken to this reporter before. So, when I picked up the phone and heard him say he needed to talk to me in person, I wasn't surprised. We agreed to meet the following Monday when I returned from New York. I hung up the phone and left the office, determined to enjoy my rare weekend "off duty." But at that moment, I sensed my life was about to change - irrevocably and fundamentally. Or was it?

The conversation on Monday confirmed what I suspected. The Advocate - in an article about DOMA, the Defense of Marriage Act, intended to "out" me as a gay - but not openly so - Republican Member of the House of Representatives. Armed with that knowledge, I decided to beat them to the punch by making the announcement myself.

What followed was a kaleidoscope of decisions, activities, and conversations that most gays and lesbians handle over the course of months - or years. In my case - my very public case - I only had five short days. Between Monday and Friday I had to lay out a game plan; inform my staff and colleagues in the House about my sexual orientation and why I was acknowledging it; write a press statement and letters to key supporters; and call to a seemingly endless list of friends, supporters, and, yes, family. You see, I come from a family?and I know many of you can relate to this?where we never discussed such personal things as "feelings."

No "operation" as complex as this, of course, ever comes off exactly as you plan it. Too many people had to be notified. The press got wind and Thursday evening - twelve hours ahead of schedule - the story broke on the late evening television news. That broke the dam and by the next morning every media outlet in the country had the story.

The phones rang, and they rang, and they rang - in Tucson and in Washington. Incidentally, by the time the calls and faxes tapered off and tallied the numbers, over 97 percent of everyone we heard from expressed support in one way or another.

All of this - this astonishing, compressed chain of events - occurred during the final week leading up to Congress' August recess. While I was trying to manage this life-changing event - politically and personally - Congress was considering, and voting on, Welfare Reform and the final version of illegal immigration legislation. All this, simultaneous with phone calls to my 86-year-old mother and to news outlets in Arizona. What a week!

Friday ended; Welfare Reform was on its way to the White House for Presidential signature, and Jim Kolbe had taken his place as the second openly gay Republican in the United States Congress. Saturday morning I flew home to Arizona, went to the office and did one-on-one interviews with each of the television news outlets in my community. The questions by now were boringly repetitious and predictable - but they had to be answered - patiently, honestly, candidly. I remember saying at the end of the last interview, half to myself and half to the assembled press: "That's it, folks. You've got your story. Now I am going back to being the Congressman I was before."

And I did. An hour later, I stood in front of an audience at the University of Arizona praising the Udall Foundation for its establishment of a Native American Intern Program. The next week, I conducted my usual August series of town halls, listening to voters praise or vilify Congress and me for what we had done - or not done.

Was I slipping back into denial, a habit I formed early in adult life and gradually shed as I came to terms with my own sexuality? I believe the answer is emphatically "no." I was simply reasserting myself as the Congressman from Arizona's Fifth District, the acknowledged Republican leader for free trade and open markets, the new advocate of Social Security Reform, the proponent of less government, lower taxes and more individual responsibility. These were the issues I had been advocating for twelve years in Congress and six years before that in the Arizona Senate. Oh, yes, I happened to be a gay person, too. But, being gay was not - and is not today - my defining persona.

Which leads me to the substance of my remarks tonight. Are we - Log Cabin members and friends - Republicans first, or are we gay persons who happen to think our political views incidentally make us Republicans, also?

If I focus on the need to liberalize trade, cut taxes, and balance the budget, does that mean I cannot also be recognized as a quiet voice of reason on issues of civil liberties and individual rights for homosexuals in our society? Conversely, if I become a "poster boy" and talk mostly about gay/lesbian issues, do I reduce myself to irrelevance with my Republican brethren in the House and cause Republicans?

To answer these questions, I ask you to think back to the celebration we had this Spring, marking the 50th anniversary of Jackie Robinson's debut in major league baseball, the breaking down of the color barrier in America's national pastime. Can anyone here tonight doubt how Jackie Robinson paved the way for a generation of sports greats from the African-American community - from Jackie Robinson and Mohammed Ali to Michael Jordan and Tiger Woods? It wasn't because Jackie Robinson held frequent press conferences, or made speeches, or participated in boycotts. It was because he played baseball, and he played it well.

To his potential detractors, he left no room for doubt that he had been hired by Branch Rickey to do anything except play the best baseball the National League had to offer. Jackie Robinson succeeded in breaking the color barrier in baseball because he proved he was a great baseball player. He paved the way for countless other minorities in professional sports, not because he trumpeted his color but because he played baseball so well. That's what Mohammed Ali did with his right jab and that is what Michael does with his incredible slam-dunks and that is what Tiger Woods is doing for golf with an awesome, cool performance at the Masters. They hit baseballs, throw knock-out punches, shoot baskets flawlessly, and hit golf balls with deadly precision. And they just happen to be African Americans or people of color.

Do they deny their color with their acts of professionalism? Do we deny that we are gay or lesbian by being gathered here tonight as Log Cabin Republicans? Certainly not. And yet there are many in the gay community for whom "gay Republican" is a contradiction in terms.

I, for one, reject such narrow-minded thinking. Just as there are Republicans and Democrats with different points of view, African-Americans who disagree over affirmative action, veterans who differ about a flag burning amendment to the Constitution and Jews who passionately differ as to whether Israel should be supported at any political price - so, too, will there be gays who differ about DOMA and ENDA - and, yes, about immigration policies and taxation of capital gains.

We are not monolithic. We are diverse? varied? individualistic. It is this latter characteristic - our belief in individual liberty - that brings us together tonight as Log Cabin Republicans - Republicans who happen to be gay. This is a core value I dare say we share with the vast majority of fair-minded Americans. There is nothing intrinsically "gay" about it.

As I often remind my constituents in southern Arizona, our nation was founded on the proposition, stated so eloquently in the Declaration of Independence, "...that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness." For more than two hundred years now we, the people of the United States of America, have struggled to realize the full meaning of our creed: to create an opportunity society that empowers all citizens to achieve the American Dream. And make no mistake: it has been a struggle.

I ask my constituents to consider the words of Abraham Lincoln, whom I revere as our greatest President. A century and a half ago - in 1855, when he was still a country lawyer - he dared to suggest that the nation was failing to live up to its promise that "all men are created equal." As Lincoln said,

We now practically read it "all men are created equal, except Negroes." When the Know-Nothings get control, it will read "all men are created equal, except Negroes and foreigners and Catholics." When it comes to this, I shall prefer emigrating to some country where they make no pretense of loving liberty - to Russia, for instance, where despotism can be taken pure, and without the base alloy of hypocrisy.

Doesn't it seem strange, I ask my constituents, to think that Lincoln's words were considered radical at the time, and that such thinking would help provoke a civil war?

I remind my friends and neighbors in southern Arizona that personal liberty - the freedom to choose - is the cornerstone of our American democracy. If each of us is to fully enjoy the opportunities and blessings of liberty, then all of us must accept responsibility for our own actions, and for how our actions will affect the lives of others.

As Friedrich August von Hayek, the great Austrian economist, explained:

Liberty not only means that the individual has both the opportunity and burden of choice; it also means that he must bear the consequences of his actions.

I believe proprietary self-interest and concern for one's fellow man are not mutually exclusive. Indeed, they go hand in hand, and I believe that together they comprise the "content of our character" by which Dr. Martin Luther King said each of us should be judged.

The American ideal of limited government of the people, by the people, and for the people is also a radical concept. Our founding fathers dared to believe that government should derive its authority from the consent of the governed, and not the other way around. Thomas Jefferson elaborated on his conception of "good government" when he took the oath of office as our nation's third President in 1801. He said:

The sum of good government is to restrain men from injuring one another and leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned.

James Madison, who succeed Jefferson as President, clearly saw the dangers inherent in unlimited government. He warned that:

...there are more instances of the abridgment of the freedom of the people by the gradual and silent encroachments of those in power than by violent and sudden usurpations.

It is not that I and my fellow Republicans in Congress who seek to change the status quo believe the Federal government is some sort of malevolent agent, intentionally seeking to deprive us of our liberty. Rather, we believe the power of the federal government has grown far beyond anything our founding fathers could have imagined. More important, it has grown so large it gets in the way of citizens' ability to maximize their individual freedom and opportunities. Jefferson and Madison understood intuitively that government, in and of itself, cannot provide happiness. That is something you must pursue for yourself. What our government can ensure - and what your fellow American citizens ought to honor - is your liberty, in law, to live out your American Dream.

Ronald Reagan said it very well more than a decade ago in a speech he entitled, "A Time for Choosing." He said these words:

...for almost two centuries we have proved man's capacity for self-government, but today we are told we must choose between a left and a right or, as others suggest, a third alternative, a safe middle ground. I suggest to you there is no left or right, only an up or down. Up - to the maximum of individual freedom consistent with law and order, or down to the ant heap of totalitarianism...

With those words, Ronald Reagan expressed what should be the credo of all Log Cabin Republicans - "individual freedom consistent with law and order." Isn't that what we as Republicans believe in? Surely, that expresses what we as Log Cabin Republicans - concerned with government intrusion into our private lives, devoted to maximizing individual liberties and responsibilities - must believe.

I am both fascinated and amused with the convergence in views of some Republicans on the right side of our Party with the views of gay, liberal Democrats. Neither would even admit their common philosophy, but it is there, nevertheless. The so-called conservative Republican deplores big government, welfare programs, erosion of personal liberties - and then votes for constitutional amendments to ban flag burning, or to proscribe specific medical procedures for a doctor performing an abortion, or to deny gays their rights to fully participate in our society.

Liberal, gay Democrats, on the other hand, deplore the intrusion of government into the bedroom or the doctors' examining room - and then proceed to wax eloquent for programs that would nationalize the entire health care delivery system, or compel poor people to live in sub-standard housing operated by the liberal bureaucracy, or decry programs to give education vouchers to lower income parents so that they might send their children to schools of their own choosing.

We might be excused for excessive hubris for thinking Log Cabin Republicans are the only gays who really understand that individual liberties are for everyone. Why is it, then, that as gay Republicans we have allowed gay Democrats, largely committed to the collectivist state, to speak for gay and lesbian rights? Why are the ones committed to expanding government control over our lives in housing and in education, the ones who would nibble at our freedom through use and abuse of the tax code and regulatory system - why - how - are they presumed to speak for gay rights? What distortion of the definition of freedom and liberty has given them unfiltered access to the megaphone, claiming to express the views of all gays?

But, just as we must not abandon the battlefield of policy to the illiberal left, so we must not allow the religious fundamentalists to use "morality" as a cudgel against us. For many gays, the process of coming out involves shedding the guilt and shame associated with our sexuality. In that process, most of us conclude - rightly, I believe - that we are not "immoral" just because we are homosexual.

Unfortunately, many gays go a step further and reject any association of behavior and morality. A rejection of the hypocrisy of the rigid morality of the 1950s has led conservatives and liberals alike to flee from public discourse about what is right or wrong. And so, we have a society where divorce rates and illegitimate births are soaring, where teenage violence and drug use is rampant. We may invoke a moral position for ourselves, but we adopt moral neutrality for everyone else. The result is a backlash in society, for the simple fact is - people yearn for moral guidance.

As columnist Dan Perreten recently pointed out, we must not lose sight of the distinction between the words "moral" - principles of right and wrong in behavior - and "moralizing." We are, Perreten notes, so offended by the practitioners of the latter that we fail to acknowledge the importance of the former. Just as we must challenge liberal Democrats on policy issues where we know them to be wrong, so must we engage in an honest, candid debate with ourselves on moral issues that affect the gay and lesbian community.

The fact is, we belong to the party that really talks about concerns of the gay community. Ours is the party of Abraham Lincoln, of Theodore Roosevelt, of Ronald Reagan. It is the party of freedom, liberty, and individual responsibility. We are a minority within the Republican party when we think of ourselves as gays. But when we add all those Republicans, and other Americans who won't be identified with a party - all those who do not want government telling them what to do - then we are a majority. When we understand this simple fact and act like majority Republicans, we will win.

Call it "safe middle ground" if you like, but it represents the historical mainstream of Republican thinking for 150 years. Republicans will support, and elected officials will vote, "our way" if the question is framed as one of "individual rights," not of "lifestyle." Opposing discrimination on the basis of one's sexual orientation is not a matter of defending a lifestyle; it is protecting our rights as individual American citizens, just as surely as all of us would oppose discrimination against Jews or women or African-Americans because such discrimination is contrary to the fundamental principles underlying our Constitution. Discrimination should be an abomination to all Republicans - Log Cabin Republicans and moral majority Republicans. But it is equally right for Republicans to oppose special privileges for any group - quotas or special legal protection.

Sometimes we must show special courage as gay Republicans, standing up to the conventional wisdom in both the Republican party and the gay community. But with a foot in both groups, true to the principles we know to be right, we can gain the respect and acceptance of gays and Republicans alike. When you argue the case to your Congressman or state Assemblyman for school choice - when you tell them this is an exercise of individual choice in education - you show them a face of gay Republicans they may not have seen before. When you talk to them about how lower taxes can expand jobs and opportunities for Americans of all stripes, you speak a language they understand but have not heard from the gay community.

We gain acceptance and build our bridges, not by stressing that we are gay people who are Republicans, but that we are Republicans who happen to be gay or lesbian - that we are Republicans who care about families and schools, who believe in a strong national defense and laws that are tough on criminals, who worry about the environment and want to balance the budget so the next generation is not saddled with the fruits of our profligacy.

My constituents and my Republican colleagues in Congress respect me and support me because they know I am fighting for open markets, free trade and consumer choice, for a balanced budget, and for an honest overhaul of our Social Security system. To them, these issues are no less important, and I am no less qualified to make the case for them, now than before my announcement. Free trade is the engine of our economic prosperity and the ticket to future competitiveness. Balancing the budget - a feat Republicans achieved this year for the first time in 30 years - matters because it says we care about our nation's stability. And thinking honestly about transforming Social Security from a dead-end tax into a real retirement savings plan says that we care about the future for the next generation.

Log Cabin Republicans have already shown they can speak to the broad concerns of all Republicans. Four years ago, in the New York mayoral race, Log Cabin Republicans introduced an ad, the tag line for which was: "Who says crime is not a gay issue?" That simple message speaks volumes, both about ourselves as gay Republicans, and to the large majority of Republicans who have the same worries about crime and safety. "Who says crime is not a gay issue?" Of course it is. It's everybody's issue. The sooner we speak to it - and to similar issues - the sooner we speak to middle America, the sooner we enter the mainstream of American politics.

In the 1996 Republican presidential sweepstakes, Log Cabin Republicans demonstrated their moral courage and constancy, by taking on the prospective Republican nominee when a Log Cabin contribution was first accepted and then rejected. When Log Cabin stood its ground, Senator Dole's campaign changed its attitude, accepted the contribution, issued an apology, and conferred new respect to this organization. When Log Cabin Republicans endorsed Dole's Presidential bid, they demonstrated that they were an important part of the team.

The cause for all gay persons, Republicans and Democrats alike, will be advanced when we focus not on what sets us apart from our fellow Americans but on what we share in common; when we demonstrate our concern and our commitment, our expertise and our execution, on issues that matter to main street America.

Bruce Bawer, in a recent column, talks about a revolution that is taking place in America today - a revolution he says that is the worst nightmare of a far-left gay activist. It is a revolution brought about by people who work in corporations, worship in our churches, speak through our news media and teach in our schools. It is a revolution brought about by ordinary gay people who live their lives in ordinary ways on every ordinary day.

By doing so, Bawer says, other ordinary Americans "have grown from ignorance into knowledge, from lies into truth, from prejudice into love." There are still two Americas, he notes, one in which homosexuality is accepted as part of everyday life and another in which gays continue to be demonized and discriminated against. But, if we are ever to eliminate the division, it will be because of those ordinary people living their ordinary lives. It will also be because a few brave, extraordinary people, some of whom are gathered here tonight, choose to reject the politics of exclusion and group identity. You are here tonight because have chosen to pursue the politics of inclusion and mainstream values.

Last December, just a few months after my announcement made big news, I was privileged to speak at the dedication of a statue commemorating the 150th anniversary of the peaceful arrival of The Mormon Battalion in the Presidio of Tucson during the Mexican War. I shared the dais that day with my friend and colleague from the Arizona Congressional delegation, Matt Salmon, and Gordon Hinkley, President of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. More than 7,000 people came from throughout Southern Arizona. Most were Mormons, and maybe a third were directly descended from members of the Mormon Battalion.

In my remarks, I noted that the men of the Mormon Battalion had volunteered to serve their country in spite of the fact that the federal government had done little to protect them from religious persecution. These were men who, along with their families, had been driven from their homes in the East by angry, intolerant neighbors. In many cases their property had been stolen or confiscated. Some of their brethren - including Joseph Smith, founder of the faith - had even been murdered for their beliefs. Despite all this, 500 Mormon men faithfully answered the call to enlist and march 2,000 miles from Iowa to California. This arduous, six-month trek remains the longest infantry march in U.S. Army history. And they accomplished this remarkable feat without a shot being fired in anger.

I noted that the statue honoring the Mormon Battalion was really a monument to peace? and tolerance. This was a message this audience could understand. At least three times they interrupted my remarks with their applause. And in the months that have followed my office has received more requests for that speech than for any other I have ever given.

Last spring, in the wake of Susan Molinari's resignation announcement, I joined a small group of my Republican House colleagues to discuss the leadership races. Names were being tossed around - moderates who might run for Conference Vice-Chairman or Secretary. Finally, someone turned to me and said: "Well, Jim, why don't you run? You've got the seniority, you're a moderate, and you've shown your leadership on trade and other issues. You'd be a good candidate!"

"Oh, sure," I replied. "I'm sure our Republican caucus is ready to elect a pro-choice, gay person to the leadership."

"Oh, goodness," the first individual responded, "I had forgotten about that!"

Well, good. Perhaps, from time to time, this individual - and others - need to be gently reminded that I am gay, if only so that they remember how secondary it is in my political and everyday life.

Arizona Republic cartoonist Steve Benson got it right after my coming out when he did a cartoon - two identical drawings of Jim Kolbe, side by side. One was labeled: "Jim Kolbe, hard-working, fiscally conservative, socially moderate Republican Congressman from Arizona - before he announced he was gay." The second, same caricature, had the same label, except "After he announced he was gay." Looks like the same guy to me.

The Bible Condemned Usurers, Too

GAY RIGHTS ADVOCATES sometimes suggest that if the Bible condemns homosexuality, so much the worse for the Bible. Yet that position hardly works for everyone. Many people maintain that the Bible is the true word of God, and not all who do are die-hard homophobes. Some are social liberals who feel torn between their political and their religious convictions. Others are gay and lesbian youth who feel forced to choose between being gay and following God. To tell such people "so much the worse for the Bible" seems counterproductive, even cruel.

But what is the alternative? Is it possible to affirm the truth of the Bible yet deny the anti-gay conclusions the Church has drawn from it for centuries? To answer that question, I want to explore another case where the Church has re-interpreted Scripture: usury. For centuries the Church used the Bible to condemn the lending of money for interest - for any interest, not just excessive interest. Today it has more money in the bank than many major corporations. And its explanation for this shift - that cultural changes render the Biblical prohibitions inapplicable - works just as well for homosexuality as for interest banking.

The Bible condemns usury in no uncertain terms. In the Book of Exodus God says "if you lend money to my people, to the poor among you. you shall not exact interest from them" (22: 25). The fifteenth Psalm says that those who lend at interest may not abide in the Lord's tent or dwell on his holy hill (1-5). Ezekiel compares usury to adultery, robbery, idolatry, and bribery, and asks whether he who "takes advanced or accrued interest; shall he then live? He shall not. He. shall surely die; his blood shall be upon him." (18: 10-13; see also Deut. 23:19, Lev. 25: 35-37, Neh. 5: 7-10, Jer. 15:10, Ezek. 22: 12, and Luke 6:35)

The Biblical case against usury does not stand alone. Plato and Aristotle condemned the practice, as did Aristophanes, Cato, Seneca, and Plutarch. So did Saints Anselm, Augustine, Bonaventure, Thomas Aquinas, Jerome, and Ambrose, citing both Scripture and natural law. Numerous church councils and synods forbade usury: for instance, at the Third Council of Lateran (1179 C.E.), Pope Alexander III declared that both the Old and New Testaments condemn it and that violators should be excommunicated. Subsequent popes repeated these sanctions. In 1745, in the encyclical Vix Pervenit, Benedict XIV pronounced that "any gain which exceeds the amount the creditor gave is illicit and usurious." Protestant opponents of usury included Martin Luther, Philip Melanchthon, and Urlich Zwingli. Nor is this condemnation unique to the Judeo-Christian tradition: the Qur'an condemns usury as well (2: 275, 3: 130). In short, the case against usury, like the case against homosexuality, appears to have strong biblical, philosophical, patristic, ecclesiastical, and theological grounds.

So what happened? Did the Church suddenly realize that it was missing out on something lucrative, and thus rescind its earlier prohibition? Not surprisingly, Church leaders offer a quite different explanation. According to them, economic conditions have changed substantially since Biblical times, such that usury no longer has the same consequences as it did when the prohibitions were issued. Therefore, those prohibitions no longer apply. As Father Richard McBrien, former chair of the University of Notre Dame theology department, writes,

The teaching on usury changed because certain theologians in the sixteenth century concluded that economic conditions had changed, making the old condemnations obsolete, and that the experience of lay Christians had to be listened to. Thus, Navarrus (d. 1586), a professor at Salamanca in Spain and author of a Manual for Confessors, argued that an "infinite number of decent Christians" were engaged in exchange-banking, and he objected to any analysis which would "damn the whole world."

McBrien's example of Navarrus is helpful here, for it shows how the Church's pastoral experience influenced its understanding of Scripture. Faced with otherwise "decent Christians" engaging in a traditionally forbidden practice, the Church re-examined the earlier prohibitions and found that they depended on conditions that no longer held.

Yet are we not today in a similar position regarding homosexuality? Even Christian traditionalists have begun to recognize that the stereotype of all gays as corrupt, hedonistic, sex-crazed heathens is unsupportable. On the contrary, many gay and lesbian relationships appear loving, nurturing, and fulfilling. As Richard B. Hays, a Methodist professor of New Testament at Duke University, points out, "There are numerous homosexual Christians whose lives show signs of the presence of God, whose work in ministry is genuine and effective. How is such experiential evidence to be assessed?"

Hays is appealing to a familiar Biblical principle here: "By their fruits ye shall know them" (Matt. 7:20). Surprisingly, however, he ultimately concludes that homosexual relationships are immoral. I suggest that Hays, and countless other theologians like him, have dropped the ball. They notice that many gay and lesbian relationships manifest themselves as good, but then opt for the prohibitions of Scripture over the evidence of their own experience. What they fail to notice is that the Church's history on usury provides a way out of this apparent dilemma.

Consider the first chapter of Paul's letter to the Romans, perhaps the most problematic text for gay and lesbian advocates. Paul writes of Gentiles who have given themselves up to "dishonorable passions. Their women exchanged natural relations for unnatural, and the men likewise gave up natural relations with women and were consumed with passion for one another, men committing shameless acts with men and receiving in their own persons due penalty for their error" (1:26-7).

It seems fairly clear that Paul viewed such acts as a sign and consequence of the Fall. (Some, like John Boswell and William Countryman, have argued that Paul's use of "unnatural" - para physin - carries no moral force. My argument does not require this conclusion, but if it is true, so much the better.) Granting (for the sake of argument) that Paul morally condemned such relationships, must contemporary Christians condemn homosexual relationships as well? Not necessarily. Suppose that in Paul's time homosexual relationships were typically exploitative, paganistic, or pederastic - as virtually all scholars would agree. If Paul condemned homosexuality because it had such features, but such features are no longer typical, then Paul's condemnation no longer applies. Substantial changes in cultural context have altered the meaning and consequences - and thus the moral value - of homosexual relationships. Put another way, using the Bible's condemnations of homosexuality against contemporary homosexuality is like using its condemnations of usury against contemporary banking.

This context-sensitive approach preserves not only the inerrancy of the Bible but also the authenticity of experience. For the religious believer, both are important: surely the Creator of all things reveals himself in lived experience as well as ancient texts. Indeed, to accept the text at face value while ignoring the evidence of experience would be to betray a rather impoverished view of revelation - one that has been rejected by centuries of official Church teaching.

But does this approach leave any room for mystery or for faith? If we need only consult experiential evidence to determine God's will, of what use is the Bible? I have not suggested, however, that we need only consult experiential evidence; I have merely suggested that experiential evidence, like Biblical evidence, is an important source of revelation. Nor have I denied that Biblical evidence may contradict experiential evidence and thus result in mystery. In this case, however, the contradiction is merely apparent. There is still room for mysteries of faith; this just happens not to be one of them.

The usury analogy also provides a better model for re-interpretation than do the more commonly cited issues of divorce and slavery. The Biblical case against divorce is at least as strong as that against homosexuality; indeed, Jesus forcefully condemns divorce (Matt. 5: 31-32) but never mentions homosexuality. This fact is startling when one considers how many advocates of "traditional Christian values" - Newt Gingrich, Bob Dole, and Phil Gramm, for instance - are divorced. Perhaps they consider divorce a one-time failure as opposed to an inveterate sin (though Jesus, who likened divorce to adultery, apparently disagrees). Or perhaps they accept an argument similar in strategy to the usury argument: divorce during Jesus's time had disastrous social consequences for women that it no longer has; thus, the Biblical condemnations are obsolete. The problem with the divorce analogy is many fundamentalists maintain that those who divorce and remarry are inveterate sinners, just as Jesus's words suggest.

By contrast, virtually no one wants to maintain the Bible's approval of slavery. Nevertheless, the Bible's position appears clear: Leviticus states, "You may acquire slaves from the pagan nations that are around you" (25:44). St. Paul writes, "Slaves, be obedient to those who are your earthly masters, with fear and trembling, in singleness of heart, as to Christ" (Eph. 6:5). Are such pronouncements (and many more like them) context-specific in a way that renders them inapplicable today?

Many believers think so. They argue that during Biblical times slavery was significantly different from its antebellum American form; specifically, Biblical masters were much kinder to their slaves. This argument concedes that cultural context is relevant to interpretation, and thus buttresses the case in favor of homosexuality. But it also concedes that under some certain circumstances human beings may own one another - a repugnant conclusion. Some believers try to avoid this conclusion by noting that according to St. Paul, "there is no longer slave or free" (Gal. 3:28). Yet this response also buttresses the pro-gay case, for the same passage says, "there is no longer male and female." Erase that distinction, and homosexuality becomes a non-issue.

Perhaps the slavery example shows that the revisionist approach - or at least, the assumption that the Bible is inerrant - inevitably leads to absurdity. Perhaps it is time for gay rights advocates to bite the bullet and say, "Look, the Bible's just wrong sometimes." For those unprepared to make that concession, the Church's stance on usury suggests a useful and coherent alternative.